Ottawa Citizen

What makes a senator ‘resident’ in a province?

Clarifying the rules for the Red Chamber need not trigger a constituti­onal crisis, writes PETER MCKENNA

- Peter Mckenna is professor and chair of political science at the University of Prince Edward Island in Charlottet­own.

It’s fair comment to say that the recent spending scandal engulfing the Canadian Senate is an unacceptab­le outrage. But the real issue is less about possibly fraudulent spending by senators and more about the meaning of residency.

According to Sec. 23 of the Canadian Constituti­on (on Senate qualificat­ions), it states that senators “shall be resident in the Province for which he is appointed.” (They should also own “real and personal” property worth $4,000 in the province for which they represent.) In the case of Quebec, where the province is divided into 24 electoral districts or divisions for purposes of Senate appointmen­t, the selected person “shall be resident in that Division.”

As best as I can determine, then, the term resident has never been definitive­ly defined by either the Parliament of Canada or the courts. Now, I’m no lawyer, but I recognize that “shall” is one of those lawyerly words that carry less legal weight than “must.” So, to be generous, there may very well be some wiggle room here.

Since all this residency brouhaha erupted around a group of senators, including Conservati­ve Mike Duffy and Liberal Mac Harb, the Red Chamber has taken tentative steps to clarify what it means by “primary residence.” The Senate committee on internal economy, budgets and administra­tion is now, in an ad hoc fashion, asking all senators to provide a valid driver’s licence, health card, income tax return, and proof of where they vote in municipal, provincial and federal elections. But nothing has been written in legislativ­e stone.

Still, what does it mean to be “resident” in a province for which a senator is appointed to the Red Chamber? It’s worth emphasizin­g here that there is no specific mention of “primary or secondary residence,” “provincial residence,” or just any plain “residence” (say a cottage in Cavendish, P.E.I.) in the Constituti­on.

Indeed, the May 2013 Deloitte LLP investigat­ion into P.E.I. Senator Duffy’s primary and secondary residence status concluded the following: “The regulation­s and guidelines applicable during the period of our examinatio­n do not include criteria for determinin­g ‘primary residence.’ As such, we are not able to assess the status of the primary residence declared by Senator Duffy against existing regulation­s and guidelines.”

This glaring omission in the Constituti­on and Senate rules seems to suggest that appointmen­ts to the Senate — at least when it comes to residency — are based largely on the honour system. Well, almost. Prior to being sworn in, a senator is required to sign a declaratio­n where he/she does “declare and testify that I am by law duly qualified to be a member of the Senate of Canada … .”

This all raises a series of other key questions: Would seeking clarificat­ion of residency precipitat­e a major constituti­onal crisis in Canada? That is, would it pit the Senate and Canadians against the federal government, which has neglected to include the issue of residency in a series of other Senate-related questions sent to the Supreme Court of Canada in the form of a reference case? Would it have important implicatio­ns for sitting Quebec senators and for those appointed to represent other provinces or regions?

Furthermor­e, would approval for any clarifying language require a constituti­onal amendment (and thus the consent of seven provinces representi­ng 50 per cent of the Canadian population)? Is it also possible that a strict interpreta­tion of residency would trigger the ouster of a sizable number of current sitting senators and thus face stiff resistance in the upper chamber?

Where the Constituti­on is clear, however, is on the penalty for violating the residency requiremen­t. Section 31 lays out the circumstan­ces that warrant a vacating of a Senate seat — making specific reference to a senator ceasing to be “qualified in respect of Property or of Residence.” Simply put, if you are not deemed to be a resident of the province you purport to represent, then you can’t actually sit in the Senate.

So, how exactly should the residency requiremen­t be clarified? Reasonable people can disagree over the fine details, but most citizens would probably like to see residency verified on the basis of where one spends the lion’s share of their time (183 days?); where they hold a valid health card and driver’s licence; and where they pay resident property and municipal taxes and vote in elections.

Moreover, and as the initial attempt to do so confirms, there’s really no need to open up the Constituti­on to resolve the residency riddle. All that it would take would be for the Senate standing committee on internal economy to spell out in the appropriat­e legislatio­n what these specific requiremen­ts should be. Or, the senate standing committee on legal and constituti­onal affairs could craft a set of standing rules regarding residency that could be adopted by the full Senate.

On a final note: This matter is far too important to the credibilit­y and legitimacy of the Red Chamber to be left murky and undefined. Furthermor­e, any changes to the language around residency — after due diligence — should be made by the senators themselves. And as former prime minister Jean Chrétien used to say: “The better, the sooner.”

 ?? ADRIAN WYLD/THE CANADIAN PRESS ?? The brouhaha about the residency of Sen. Mike Duffy and other senators has the upper chamber attempting to define ‘primary residency’ because the Constituti­on does not.
ADRIAN WYLD/THE CANADIAN PRESS The brouhaha about the residency of Sen. Mike Duffy and other senators has the upper chamber attempting to define ‘primary residency’ because the Constituti­on does not.

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