The real Erdogan emerges
He once was the darling of western leaders. Many cited him as proof that being a devout Muslim was not incompatible with western concepts of democracy and respect for the fundamental human rights of all members of society regardless of religion, ethnic background, gender or political views.
The fact Recep Tayyip Erdogan managed to win three elections in Turkey since 2002 as leader of the Muslim-based Justice and Development Party was seen as a testimony to his moderate appeal to Turkish voters despite Turkey’s secular system established after 1923 by Kemal Ataturk.
Erdogan’s stature was further enhanced by the impressive economic progress achieved by Turkey during his time as prime minister.
Turkey’s economic clout was also matched by its growing political importance in the Middle East and Central Asia, as well as its standing in the eyes of European countries and the U.S.
Being a highly valued member of NATO furthered Turkey’s acceptability for NATO states, particularly those in the European Union which Turkey applied to join.
All these positive factors suggested Ataturk’s desire to see Turkey place its future in the modern western world could be achievable under Erdogan.
Notwithstanding this seemingly rosy picture during the first years of Erdogan’s minority government rule, once he won a majority, signs emerged causing some to wonder about Erdogan’s authoritarian tendencies and true commitment to the secular system.
Some within the European Union questioned whether Turkey honoured the same commitment to democratic practices and respect for basic human rights considered essential for EU membership.
Countries such as France and Germany expressed strong reservations about accepting a country with cultural and religious traditions at variance with the primarily Christian traditions of existing EU members.
Others questioned restrictions on minority groups in Turkey, particularly those prohibiting the rights of the large Kurdish population, denying Kurds the right of education in the Kurdish language and prohibitions against Kurdish in the media.
Still others were concerned about the jailing of Turkish journalists, many allegedly violating security laws by reporting on developments affecting the Kurdish population. (A newly elected Kurdish female member of parliament was jailed for attempting to make her maiden speech in Kurdish.)
The highly respected organization Reporters Without Borders reported that under the Erdogan government, Turkey had more journalists in prison than any other country.
While such draconian punishments for journalists had occurred in the past when the Turkish military exercised considerable control, either by carrying out coups or indirectly from behind the scenes, critics claim that during Erdogan’s majority rule, much of the Turkish press and media was intimidated into silence on criticizing the Erdogan government or muzzled by media owners afraid of angering the government. One area causing even more concern was Erdogan’s apparent intention to downplay the importance of Turkey’s membership in the EU, placing emphasis instead on broadening relations with Middle East neighbours, including Iran.
Turkey began to play a more significant role in Middle East affairs. At one point, Turkey acted as an intermediary between Syria and Israel over Israel withdrawing from Syria’s Golan Heights.
That role ended abruptly when Israel invaded Gaza in an attempt to knock out jihadists shelling Israel. The devastation caused by that intervention infuriated Erdogan. He denounced the Israeli intervention and cut traditional cooperation with Israel, including military exercises.
Bilateral relations with Israel became even more strained when Israeli commandos boarded a Turkish vessel attempting to break the Israeli blockade of Gaza, resulting in eight Turkish nationals killed, and Erdogan once again denounced the Netanyahu government, demanding a full apology and compensation for the deaths.
Although some see Erdogan’s condemnation of Israeli policies against the Palestinians as reflecting growing anti-Israeli sentiment among Turks, others regard his bluntness as a reflection of his own inherently negative attitude toward Israel.
Reporters Without Borders reported that under the Erdogan government, Turkey had more journalists in prison than any other country.
In recent days, Erdogan claimed Israel was behind the overthrow of deposed President Mohammed Morsi in Egypt.
Whatever the truth may be regarding Erdogan’s possible anti-Israeli feelings, what currently concerns much of the Turkish population itself is his authoritarian policies and attempts to Islamicize Turkish society.
Large-scale anti-Erdogan demonstrations erupted throughout Turkey in June triggered off by the government’s insistence on razing Istanbul’s popular Gezi park, dramatically demonstrated the growing opposition to his indifference to consulting the public on important government actions.
Unlike Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, with whom Erdogan developed close links, the Turkish leader has been introducing his Muslim religious views on an incremental basis.
An example of this perceived Islamization by stealth is his move against consumption of alcohol. Rather than risk a confrontation with Turkish secularists by banning alcohol outright, he simply increased the tax on alcohol and restrictions on its availability, making it too prohibitive to purchase for many ordinary Turks.
Whether Erdogan has learned any lessons from the massive June demonstrations against his perceived authoritarian rule remains to be determined.