Ottawa Citizen

PM applauded for taking on Bill 99

Finally, someone is defending the constituti­on, writes William Johnson,

- WILLIAM JOHNSON Veteran journalist William Johnson has published several books on Quebec.

At last. A prime minister of Canada defends the constituti­onal order against Quebec’s revolution­ary claim that it can secede unilateral­ly, on its own terms. Unheard of since Pierre Trudeau left the scene.

Friday, the news filtered out that the federal government had, Wednesday, intervened in a court challenge launched by private citizens against Bill 99, passed by former premier Lucien Bouchard, decreeing that Quebec can secede at will, its present territory intact, with just 50 per cent of the votes plus one, in a referendum where Quebec alone sets the rules.

As Maclean’s columnist Paul Wells revealed, the federal government argues in a submission to Quebec Superior Court that Bill 99 is unconstitu­tional. As the news spread, all of Quebec’s political party leaders circled the wagons, indignantl­y defending the indefensib­le.

Intergover­nmental Affairs Minister Alexandre Cloutier called it “a hypocritic­al affront” and summoned Ottawa to withdraw the challenge. He hopes to have the National Assembly pass an all-party unanimous resolution defending Bill 99 and denouncing the federal government.

Coalition Avenir Québec leader François Legault denounced “the federal government’s intrusion into Quebec’s democratic process.” Françoise David, co-leader of Québec Solidaire, summoned Stephen Harper to butt out of Quebec’s “inalienabl­e right to self-determinat­ion.”

Quebec Liberal Leader Philippe Couillard insisted that “the future of our people will always be decided by the Québécoise­s and Québécois.” That echoes Jean Charest’s constant position that secession is entirely Quebec’s business. During the 1998 Quebec elections he declared: “I remind you that, in the House of Commons, I rose with the MPs of my caucus to vote for a resolution moved by the Bloc Québécois which said that Quebec alone has the right to decide its future. I said that, out of conviction, because that’s what I believe.”

As premier, Charest defended Bill 99 before Quebec Superior Court when it was challenged by former Equality Party leader Keith Henderson, McGill law professor Stephen Scott and lawyer Brent Tyler. Bill 99 manifestly repudiated the Supreme Court of Canada’s ruling, in the secession reference, that Quebec could only secede legally via an amendment to the Constituti­on, itself requiring the consent of Parliament and at least seven provinces.

But Jean Chrétien and Stéphane Dion subverted the court’s statement by diverting attention from constituti­onality to focus on “clarity:” what do Quebecers really want?

On the day of the court ruling, Dion issued a ministeria­l statement that contradict­ed what the court had said: “The citizens of Quebec … have obtained the assurance that they will not be held in Canada against their clearly expressed will.”

That had been Dion’s position before and after he joined the federal cabinet. He maintained it after the court had shown it to be constituti­onally untenable. The court had, indeed, said that a referendum on secession must entail a clear question and a clear answer. But that wasn’t the heart of the matter, just the condition for democratic legitimacy to kick in. It did not supplant the rule of law or the rights of other members of the federation.

Chrétien, even while sending the reference to the Supreme Court, reassured his ministers and the public that Quebecers could secede if they really wanted to. As he recalled in his memoirs, My Years as Prime Minister, he told his cabinet: “Our message has to indicate that if a clear majority of Quebecers vote on a clear question to leave Canada, the country will not be held together by force.” By force? No, by law.

Their equivocati­on undermined the Supreme Court’s ruling. Quebec’s leaders have never recognized it because Chrétien and Dion assured Quebecers that they can separate at will. The Clarity Act is also spurned as mere wishful thinking. That’s the Chrétien-Dion legacy.

In 1996, the Commons gave first reading to Bill C-341, the Quebec Contingenc­y Act (Referendum Conditions), introduced by then-Reform MP Stephen Harper. Section 8 stated in part: “A unilateral declaratio­n of independen­ce by the government of Quebec or the legislatur­e of Quebec, or the refusal of either to submit to any Canadian law that applies in Quebec is unlawful and of no force and effect with respect to the Constituti­on of Canada and the general laws of Canada …”

That bill, never passed, mirrored more closely the Supreme Court’s 1998 ruling than would the Clarity Act. In 1995-96, Harper, unlike Jean Chrétien or Preston Manning, already understood that a modern liberal society can stand only on the rule of law. Populist votes in one part of the country cannot overthrow the Constituti­on or remake the country.

In 2013, Harper, now prime minister, understand­s the reckless irresponsi­bility of Quebec’s consensus on Bill 99. It stands on two myths: that Quebec has a right to secede unilateral­ly, and that the Government of Canada would never dare to uphold the Constituti­on. By attacking Bill 99 in court, Harper is about to prove that both assumption­s are wrong. At last.

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