Ottawa Citizen

Community or partisansh­ip? Poilievre needs to decide

Can he ignore instincts and become a conciliato­r?

- MARK SUTCLIFFE Twitter.com/_MarkSutcli­ffe

There are times when a government does something unpopular because it’s the right thing to do (although it’s not always easy to recall specific examples). Then there are the occasions when political expediency is the motivation, such as when Paul Martin invited Belinda Stronach to cross the floor so he could win a confidence motion in the House.

And then there is the strange case of the Victims of Communism Memorial, which seems to fit neither category. For some reason, this is a hill — or a berm — on which the Conservati­ve government, particular­ly local MP Pierre Poilievre, is prepared to fight fiercely.

There’s nothing wrong with having such a monument in the nation’s capital, and most people who live outside Ottawa don’t care one way or the other about a piece of federal land. But the memorial and the planning process for it has attracted widespread criticism from respected architects and planners and even Ottawa city council.

Poilievre has been dismissive of concerns, saying repeatedly and rhetorical­ly that the public doesn’t want another building for lawyers. And, on the eve of a crucial vote at the National Capital Commission, four board members were suddenly replaced, some of whom were likely to vote against the design of the monument.

This government is hardly the first to do whatever it takes to get its way. In 1990, Brian Mulroney stacked the Senate with eight new appointmen­ts to get the new GST passed. But it’s puzzling why this monument is worth so much political capital to the Conservati­ves, especially when there are palatable compromise­s available. The memorial could be constructe­d on another downtown site, as some architects and urban planners have recommende­d, and the government could look like it listened to the community instead of forcing a solution on it.

Even the new scaled-down design was advanced without much consultati­on. Is all of this simply because the government enjoys wielding power over the people it perceives as privileged elites and artistes, that it simply can’t stand letting them have their way? Even local Conservati­ves are privately scratching their heads over why this matters so much.

Poilievre is unlikely to lose his safe riding over this issue, and it’s unlikely to be a ballot question for many voters. But the government’s approach fits a familiar narrative of arrogance that opposing candidates will be more than happy to highlight.

Until recently, the government was on a better track with regard to the capital. Poilievre’s predecesso­r as Ottawa’s senior cabinet minister, John Baird, was often accused of partisan behaviour in the House. But in matters to do with his hometown, he showed sensitivit­y and patience. In the past few years, the NCC has been acting more open and transparen­t. Through collaborat­ion, a solution was achieved for western light rail. Investment­s were made in the science museum (although not in an ideal location), the National Arts Centre and the Ottawa River Action Plan. The bidding started on new ideas for LeBreton Flats.

But in recent weeks, there appears to be a new direction, one that could erode confidence in the NCC and the local Conservati­ve caucus. The NCC looks like it’s trending back toward being a secretive, partisan agency that does the government’s bidding. And the government seems tone deaf to local reaction.

The NCC is not meant to be a wholly independen­t organizati­on; its board members and executives are appointed by the government, after all.

But changing the board just hours before a vote on a controvers­ial issue is worrisome behaviour.

It’s equally concerning that Mark Kristmanso­n, the likable and respectabl­e CEO of the NCC, defended the appointmen­ts; that’s a matter for the chair or the cabinet to address, not the executive who reports to the new board.

It’s doubtful John Baird would have let things unfold this way. This is a test for Pierre Poilievre: can he set aside his partisan instincts and become more of a conciliato­r and consensus-builder, or will he continue to be a champion for his government rather than his community? The early signs are not encouragin­g.

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