Ottawa Citizen

Coalition government­s are not undemocrat­ic

Canadians might not like the idea, but it can and does work, writes David Moscrop.

- David Moscrop is a PhD candidate in political science at the University of British Columbia.

We Canadians love our inane rituals. Drinking the burning swill that is a Tim Horton’s coffee, being heartbroke­n by whichever dreadful domestic hockey team comes “just a few” (usually many) wins short of the Stanley Cup, suffering a heart attack while shovelling snow, and mischaract­erizing our political system every time a national “debate” breaks out.

The latest offence against our system is the eruption of populist disgust — encouraged by the Liberal Party and the Conservati­ve Party — at the potential of a coalition government this fall. Prime Minister Harper calls the idea “undemocrat­ic” and likens it to stealing an election; Liberal Party leader Justin Trudeau has rebuffed the possibilit­y of entering into such an arrangemen­t, which he characteri­zes as a “backroom deal.”

Shame on them for throwing around such fatuous untruths. Either Mr. Harper and Mr. Trudeau are deeply cynical — playing politics by cartooning coalition government­s — or they’re clueless about the nature of our political system. I’m going to be charitable and assume it’s the former, but who knows?

Canadians, however, might be forgiven for knowing little about the constituti­onal history and democratic theory behind coalition government­s. Canada hasn’t had a federal coalition government since Prime Minster Robert Borden — the staid and moustachio­ed head of government who navigated the country through The First World War and whose image now enjoys prime real estate on our $100 bill.

But now, nearly 100 years since Borden’s Union Government, with Canada’s first competitiv­e three-way election all but officially underway, the possibilit­y of a coalition government at the federal level is real. It’s time we had a grown-up conversati­on about that option. What are we going to do if we find ourselves in the fall or early winter with a hung parliament featuring one party with a narrow plurality of seats and several other parties who are unwilling to co-operate with them?

In that case, one option is to hold another election — which presumably no one would want, with the possible exception of political sadomasoch­ists and professors of Canadian political science. Another option is to set up an informal arrangemen­t in which one or more parties agree to work with another to keep them in power — which seems possible, but unlikely. The third is a coalition government.

In a coalition government, a formal arrangemen­t is made between parties who form a government, but the parties do not merge. Typically each coalition partner receives cabinet appointmen­ts and the parties co-operate on legislatio­n, appointmen­ts, and so forth.

Coalition government­s are common globally: Germany, Denmark, Australia, India, Japan, Israel, Ireland, and several other countries have had or do have such arrangemen­ts (and they’re real, live, grown-up democracie­s and everything).

Coalition government­s are legitimate and democratic because it is elected parliament­arians who decide to form them or not, and who later have to face the electorate and defend their actions. Canadians might not like the idea of such an arrangemen­t, but that doesn’t make it undemocrat­ic or unconstitu­tional. In Canada we elect members of Parliament — not a government, not a prime minister, not a cabinet. Those members get to decide to whom they give their support in the House of Commons; a government is then formed. That’s the (brief ) formal, constituti­onal argument for coalitions.

But let’s play the populist game for a second. A coalition arrangemen­t between two parties with, say, 50 per cent of the popular vote would represent a greater percentage of voting Canadians than even a majority government with fewer votes (for instance, the typical 38 to 40 per cent that generates a majority government) — and certainly more than a minority. Not that any of this ultimately matters; aggregate popular vote is meaningles­s: it’s the distributi­on of parliament­ary seats that counts.

So the parties and the populists can scream about “democracy” until they’re blue or red in the face; coalition government­s are democratic and legitimate. And in October one might be necessary.

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