Regina Leader-Post

Uber social conservati­ves win long-sought influence in Sask.

- MURRAY MANDRYK Murray Mandryk is the political columnist for the Regina Leader-post and the Saskatoon Starphoeni­x.

Since the founding of the Saskatchew­an Party there has always existed festering pockets of resentment toward things like the Saskatchew­an Human Rights Commission (SHRC).

One of the very first resolution­s the Sask. Party passed at its inaugural November 1997 convention was to completely disband the SHRC — establishe­d under the NDP in 1972, a quarter-century after Tommy Douglas's government made Saskatchew­an the first jurisdicti­on in North America to pass a bill of rights.

At that first Sask. Party convention 27 years ago, there was an abundance of social conservati­ve ideology — enough to pass the anti-shrc resolution and others calling for chain gangs for prisoners and boot camps for young offenders. (Don't bother to look for those resolution­s, though. Just before the 2007 election, then leader Brad Wall had all such resolution­s expunged.)

The historical reality of the Sask. Party — one it prefers not to talk about — is that it has always struggled to confine its uber-social conservati­ve element to the corner of that big, free-enterprise party tent it pitched in 1997.

But as recently as 2016, the Wall government gave serious considerat­ion to a law requiring girls under 18 years to have parental consent before having an abortion.

The bigger political problem for the Sask. Party is that such notions were simply not palatable to a majority of Saskatchew­an voters — even among those who subscribe to the need for just one free-enterprise party to keep the NDP out of power.

Of course, that was at a time before the Sask. Party started catering to the policies of parties even further to the right.

In this POST-COVID-19 world where rightwing radicalism jumps from social media silo to social media silo, Premier Scott Moe appears to have abandoned any notion of maintainin­g a somewhat centrist political brand.

Where Wall advocated some level of co-operation with the federal Liberal government under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Moe's immediate message upon grabbing the Sask. Party leadership six years ago warned “just watch me.”

Where Moe once relied on the medical guidance of chief medical health officer Dr. Saqib Shabab and the leadership of the Saskatchew­an Health Authority to battle the COVID-19 pandemic, he later embraced the `wisdom' of Nadine Ness and the Freedom Convoy organizers.

And where even Moe once consulted with more liberal thinkers in cabinet like Mark Docherty, Tina Beaudry-mellor, Gordon Wyant and Don Morgan, he has elevated Trade and Investment Minister Jeremy Harrison, Education Minister Jeremy Cockrill and Justice Minister Bronwyn Eyre, who shepherded the pronoun bill through the legislatur­e last fall.

Those festering pockets of resentment now mingle freely in the Sask. Party tent. Perhaps this is why Eyre has found it necessary to stack the SHRC with Sask. Party partisans on what has always been an independen­t, non-partisan, quasi-judicial body.

After learning Eyre appointed a Sask. Party candidate to sit on the SHRC, we have now learned that one of her own Sask. Party constituen­cy co-presidents has also been appointed.

These appointmen­ts were part of a purge of the SHRC in January that followed the board's sharp criticism of the pronoun mandate and the resignatio­n of well-respected human rights commission­ers like Heather Kuttai.

Moe called Kuttai's resignatio­n “perplexing,” but it now seems like just another step in the Sask. Party evolution under his watch.

Notwithsta­nding warnings of Bill 137's harm from judges, lawyers, teachers, psychologi­sts and others, Eyre insisted the social conservati­ve legislatio­n was necessary to “right the imbalance.”

We all now know what that means, because it's always meant the same thing. We just didn't know this notion was now so all-pervasive in the Saskatchew­an Party.

After all, there was a time when the Sask. Party hierarchy actually fought against social conservati­ves hijacking the party and doing things like disbanding the human rights commission.

Instead, the Sask. Party hierarchy is now hijacking the human rights commission.

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