Regina Leader-Post

The curse of history grips Haiti

- GWYNNE DYER Gwynne Dyer is an independen­t journalist based in London, England

It may seem that the violence and chaos that have gripped Haiti finally are being addressed. The unelected acting president nobody wanted, Ariel Henry, has resigned. An internatio­nal police force soon may arrive in the Caribbean island to restore order. There is even talk of a free election. But nothing is fixed, and the violence isn't over.

Listen to what gang leader Jimmy (Barbecue) Cherizier said last week: “We're not in a peaceful revolution. We are making a bloody revolution in the country because this system is an apartheid system, a wicked system.”

Apartheid? That was the oppressive system that protected the privileges of whites in pre1994 South Africa. There are practicall­y no whites in Haiti. What's the man even talking about?

Barbecue (the name allegedly refers to his habit of incinerati­ng his victims) is not confused. He is deadly serious about fighting a revolution­ary race war against “the Arabs and the mulattoes” whom he sees as the oppressors and exploiters of Black Haitians.

That's a vast oversimpli­fication of Haiti's real social structure, but there is just enough truth in it to convince the angry, illiterate young men in the gangs that now control 80 per cent of the capital, Port-au-prince.

Cherizier and his G9 Family and Allies coalition of gangs have come together with the rival G-pep coalition to oppose yet another internatio­nal attempt to bring in foreign troops and police to stabilize the country. (The lead country this time would be Kenya.)

There has never been a slave-owning society worse than the one that flourished in Haiti under French rule from 1625 to 1791. Slavery was practicall­y universal in the world at the time — about a third of West Africa's population were slaves — but what happened in Haiti was

There has never been a slave-owning society worse than the one that flourished in Haiti under French rule from 1625 to 1791.

particular­ly efficient and murderous.

Slavery had died out in Europe during the Middle Ages, but when the opportunit­y arose to get rich by using slave labour to grow sugar cane on West Indian plantation­s, Europeans were more than happy to go back into the business. The nearest place that had large numbers of slaves for sale was West Africa, so that's where they bought them.

The African slave traders were glad of the new customers (previously the export trade had all been north across the Sahara to the Islamic countries on the Mediterran­ean). The demand never slacked, and at least 10 million slaves were sent west across the Atlantic in the next two centuries. The ones who went to Haiti died very fast, because it was cheaper to work them to death and just buy more. “Turnover” was so high that when revolution came to Haiti two centuries later (as part of the great French Revolution of 1789), slaves were almost 90 per cent of the population, but most of them were still fresh out of Africa.

However, there was also a significan­t number of mixed-race “mulattoes.” European women were scarce in Haiti in the early days, and the white fathers of these mulattoes mostly looked after their children, so they grew up free, educated, and in many cases slave owners themselves.

In the latter stages of the Haitian revolution, more than 200 years ago, almost all of the whites fled or were massacred, but some of the mulattoes took on leadership roles: Toussaint L'ouverture, for example. They took charge because they knew how to do things and they still dominate in those roles today, which is greatly resented by the Black majority.

This is a drasticall­y compressed version of Haitian history, and the exceptions almost outnumber the facts. But it's why Barbecue talks the way he does, and why he warned that there might be a “civil war” that could end in “genocide” if Ariel Henry did not step down.

It's still possible. History is a burden everywhere, but in Haiti it's a curse.

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