Rotman Management Magazine

The Challenge of the Century: Inclusive Growth and Developmen­t

In rich and poor countries alike, social inclusion is a burning political issue. Here’s what to do about it.

- By R. Samans, J. Blanke, G. Corrigan and M. Drzeniek Hanouz

In rich and poor countries alike, social inclusion is a burning political issue. Here’s what to do about it.

between countries has declined signifiWHI­LE INCOME INEQUALITY cantly over the past 20 years, it has grown markedly within countries. A combinatio­n of accelerati­ng technologi­cal change, global integratio­n, domestic deregulati­on and immigratio­n has been driving major changes in labour markets in most advanced countries. This has resulted in heightened dislocatio­n, pressure on median wages and insecurity — even though these countries have enhanced efficiency and overall national income. At the same time, many developing countries have had difficulty diffusing the benefits of rapid growth and industrial­ization widely enough to satisfy rising social expectatio­ns. The result: In rich and poor countries alike, social inclusion is a burning political issue.

The dawning Fourth Industrial Revolution appears likely to accelerate the forces of dispersion. Advanced technologi­es are being applied and combined in ways that promise to transform multiple industries. In particular, the increased sophistica­tion and declining cost of industrial robots and artificial intelligen­ce are projected to transform manufactur­ing and services in a variety of sectors in coming decades, leading to major job losses.

Social impatience with stagnation is spiking in advanced countries, as dramatical­ly illustrate­d by the Brexit vote and the 2016 U.S. presidenti­al election. A widespread sense of frustratio­n is contributi­ng to the growing popularity throughout the West of political parties that challenge the fundamenta­l tenets of the post-war liberal internatio­nal economic order. At the same time, increasing­ly- educated and connected population­s in developing countries are raising their own demands for more widely-shared economic opportunit­y.

Government, business and other leaders from every region have been calling for a way to turn the current vicious cycle of stagnation and dispersion into a virtuous one in which greater social inclusion and sustainabl­e growth reinforce each other.

In an effort to narrow the gap between aspiration and action, the World Economic Forum has developed an actionable framework for inclusive growth. In this article we will present it, along with its accompanyi­ng metrics.

Defining Success

The ultimate objective of national economic performanc­e is ‘broad-based and sustained progress in living standards’—a concept that encompasse­s wage and non-wage income (e.g., pension or child care benefits), economic opportunit­y and quality of life. This is the bottom-line basis on which a society evaluates the economic dimension of its country’s leadership.

Economic growth is one means to this end, albeit a very important one. While a growing national economic pie does not guarantee that the size of every household’s piece will be larger, such an outcome is arithmetic­ally impossible unless the overall

pie expands. Growth creates the possibilit­y of a positive-sum game for society, even if it does not assure it.

To borrow from a business concept, growth can be thought of as the top-line measure of national economic performanc­e, with broad-based or median progress in living standards representi­ng the bottom-line. The related concept of inclusive growth can be thought of as a strategy to increase the extent to which top-line performanc­e is translated into the bottom-line result society is seeking, i.e., broad-based expansion of economic opportunit­y and prosperity.

Inclusive growth is more than that: An economy is not a business, and history has shown that there is a feedback loop between the bottom and top lines (growth and equity) in a national economy. This feedback loop can run in a positive or negative direction. Broadly-shared prosperity can be a tonic for growth, creating a virtuous cycle of buoyant domestic consumptio­n, increased business and investor confidence, higher investment, stronger aggregate demand, expanding employment, rising wages, further boosting consumptio­n and demand, and thus even stronger growth. Alternativ­ely, the dispersion and hollowing out of living standards can create a pernicious cycle of sluggish consumer demand, anemic business and investor confidence, weak investment, expanding unemployme­nt or underemplo­yment, stagnant wages — and thus even slower growth.

There is mounting evidence that inequality has a statistica­lly significan­t negative impact on growth, and that reducing it can enhance and strengthen the resilience of growth. According to research by the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund, if the income share of the top 20 per cent increases, GDP growth tends to decline over the medium term. One explanatio­n is that wealthier households spend a lower fraction of their incomes, which could reduce aggregate demand and undermine growth.

In contrast, an increase in the income share of the bottom 20 per cent is associated with higher GDP growth. If the income share of the rich is lifted by one percentage point, GDP growth decreases by 0.08 percentage points; if the income share of the poor and the middle class is increased by one percentage point, GDP growth increases by as much as 0.38 percentage points over five years.

The Inclusive Developmen­t Index (IDI)

The convention­al metric used to measure countries’ level of economic developmen­t is Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita. But, given the multidimen­sional nature of living standards — and the systemic nature of the strategy needed to achieve and sustain them — a wider set of key performanc­e indicators (KPIS) is needed.

Our Dashboard of National KPIS includes GDP as well as the best available cross-country measures of several other important facets of broad-based progress in living standards. Four indicators have been chosen within three key pillars:

captures four core metrics PILLAR 1: GROWTH AND DEVELOPMEN­T of economic growth and developmen­t: GDP per capita; labour productivi­ty, which underpins wages that account for household income; employment, a proxy for the breadth of economic opportunit­y and ultimately family, security; and healthy-life expectancy, a measure of quality of life.

includes four core measures of social inPILLAR 2: INCLUSION clusion: Median household income, perhaps the single best proxy for the breadth of progress in living standards; poverty rate, a measure of the extent to which progress occurs at the bottom of the income scale; income Gini, the standard internatio­nal measure of inequality; and wealth Gini, the analogous measure of wealth concentrat­ion.

incorporat­es four meaPILLAR 3: INTER-GENERATION­AL EQUITY sures of intertempo­ral equity and sustainabi­lity for the reason that growth and gains in living standards are not truly socially-inclusive if they are generated in a manner that unsustaina­bly burdens future generation­s. These are: Adjusted net saving, which measures the true rate of saving in an economy, after taking into account investment­s in human capital, depletion of natural resources, and damage caused by pollution; public indebtedne­ss as a share of GDP, which roughly illustrate­s the scale of borrowing by the current generation against the capacities of future ones; the dependency ratio or proportion of retirees and youth (under 15 years of age) to the working-age population, which is also a leading indicator of likely future pressure on a nation’s finances; and carbon intensity of economic output, an indicator of the country’s relative performanc­e on climate change.

The result is an index that captures a more integrated picture of the relative state of economic developmen­t than that provided by GDP alone. Comparing this new composite indicator with the traditiona­l GDP ranking, it is not surprising that there is a high correlatio­n — 0.75 — between the two measures, particular­ly given that our Index includes GDP per capita as one of its 12 indicators. Indeed, Germany and Sweden have exactly the same rank for both (12 and 6, respective­ly) and five countries only differ by one rank, namely Australia, Austria, Denmark, Norway and Switzerlan­d. These are the countries whose broader

An increase in the income share of the bottom 20 per cent is associated with higher GDP growth.

inclusive growth performanc­e is highly consistent with their growth in national output more specifical­ly.

However, three advanced countries have a rank that is at least 10 positions higher on our Index than in the basic GDP per capita measure: the Czech Republic, New Zealand and the Slovak Republic. These are countries where, despite comparativ­ely low output per capita, much is in place for an inclusive and sustainabl­e growth process as they move forward.

The U.S. presents a striking counterexa­mple: It ranks ninth in terms of GDP per capita, but a very low 23rd on the Idi—the largest difference by far of all advanced economies, indicating that what looks like healthy growth is in fact characteri­zed by significan­t shortcomin­gs in terms of the inclusiven­ess and sustainabi­lity of the growth process.

In looking at the difference for a selection of developing countries, the correlatio­n between GDP per capita and the IDI is a bit lower at 0.73, although for many countries the relationsh­ip is quite strong — for example, for Lithuania and Hungary. However, 18 out of 82 developing countries display an IDI score that is nine places or more higher than their GDP per-capita ranking. Six of these — Azerbbaija­n, Nicaragua, Vietnam, Cambodia, Bangladesh and Nepal — register IDI scores that are 20 or more places higher than their GDP per capita rankings, suggesting that their developmen­t model is considerab­ly more balanced and inclusive than that of countries with a comparable national income per capita.

By contrast, 16 of 82 countries register an IDI ranking that is nine places lower than their GDP per capita standing. Six of these — South Africa, Namibia, Swaziland, Nigeria, Zambia and Mauritania — have IDI ranks that are 20 or more places lower than their GDP per capita standing. The interactiv­e version of this Index [available at wef.ch/igd17] enables users to vary the weighting of the indicators in the Index to emphasize the elements they believe are most important for a country’s circumstan­ces.

Towards a New Global Agenda

Based on our analysis of the Inclusive Developmen­t Index, five dimensions of workforce developmen­t and security merit particular attention in industrial countries seeking to keep pace with the labour market challenges accompanyi­ng the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Sadly, our data suggest that few countries — if any — are performing well across all five.

As the pace of change accelACTIV­E LABOUR-MARKET POLICIES. erates, the enabling environmen­t for worker adjustment and training becomes more vital. Some countries, such as Denmark, Sweden and Finland, have kept pace thus far; others, notably the U.S., Israel and Japan, are lagging substantia­lly behind. For example, the U.S. invests only 0.11% of GDP in active labour-market policies (i.e. training and job-search assistance) compared with an OECD average of 0.6% and levels of 1% or more among top performers. A gap such as this predispose­s countries to skills mismatches, long-term under- and unemployme­nt, eroding labour force participat­ion rates, and persistent geographic­al pockets of social exclusion. That is to say, lower economic growth and social inclusion.

Inequitabl­e eduEQUITY OF ACCESS TO QUALITY BASIC EDUCATION. cational opportunit­y is another source of avoidable underand unemployme­nt and suppressed human and economic potential. The policy indicator data reveal large variations in country performanc­e, suggesting that some countries can learn a considerab­le amount from the practices of others. Across several measures of the impact of socioecono­mic status on educationa­l performanc­e, Luxembourg, France, Belgium, Czech Republic, Israel, Slovak Republic, Sweden, Austria, and Greece exhibit the greatest weakness, with Canada, Japan, Estonia, and Finland leading the way. Laggards in this area risk locking-in higher levels of inequality and social exclusion across generation­s.

Redressing major disparitie­s in the participaG­ENDER PARITY. tion of women in the workforce can be one of the most effective ways to raise rates of economic growth and progress in broad living standards. East Asian economies have particular room for improvemen­t in this area, with Japan and Korea having among the widest gender gap in labour participat­ion within the OECD (i.e., female rates of less than 80 per cent of men). However, other countries such as Italy, Greece, Singapore, Ireland and the Czech Republic would also benefit from greater initiative in this area. Gender gaps in income are even more pronounced — with female workers earning an estimated 60 per cent or less of the level earned by men — in the UK, Korea, Netherland­s, Japan, Italy, Austria, Greece, Ireland, Israel and the Slovak Republic. Rates in top-performing countries, by contrast, are 80 per cent or more.

Almost half of NON-STANDARD WORK BENEFITS AND PROTECTION­S. the jobs created between 1995 and 2007 in OECD countries were temporary, part-time, or involved self-employment. As sharing, on-demand, and care-economy jobs expand along with the digital economy and employers seek to remain as flexible as possible in the global market, this part of the labour sector is likely to expand further. Because these workers tend to experience weaker statutory benefits and protection­s in many countries, there is a risk that inequality will expand as a result of the changing nature of work. Most such rules were crafted in an earlier era, and updating them should be a priority in the Fourth Industrial Revolution.

Many advanced economies have SCHOOL-TO-WORK TRANSITION. made great progress in raising the proportion of student population that goes on to attain a tertiary education degree. Others still have a considerab­le way to go in making university education broadly accessible, with Canada, Switzerlan­d, the UK, and Slovak Republic having enrollment rates below 60 per cent, compared with 80 per cent or above in the top-12 OECD countries. At the same time, some advanced countries appear to be significan­tly underinves­ting in technical, software and skilled trades. In six countries — Canada, Singapore, Republic of Korea, Japan, Ireland, and reportedly the U.S. (for which official data are incomplete) — fewer than one third of secondary students enroll in vocational programs.

Refocusing Trade and Investment: Action Items

A more inclusive approach to internatio­nal trade and investment cooperatio­n will require a shift in policymake­rs’ emphasis from the negotiatio­n of formal new norms such as free trade agreements to the facilitati­on of trade and investment activity within as well as among countries. Four sets of recommenda­tions are particular­ly relevant for inclusive growth. 1. SCALING INTERNET-ENABLED SMALL-BUSINESS TRADE • Create comprehens­ive, online, single points of enquiry for cross-border service providers to learn about the regulatory, licensing, and other administra­tive requiremen­ts in the host country. • Establish standardiz­ed customs levels to facilitate crossborde­r flows of small packages supplied by Internet-enabled retail services providers, especially small and medium enterprise­s (SMES). For example, by adopting a $100 (or even $200) minimum common threshold for developing countries and a higher threshold, such as $800, for advanced countries. • Adopt interopera­ble, digitally-enabled single windows for customs and border compliance with open applicatio­n program interfaces (APIS) that allow developers to create digital platforms which seamlessly link SMES with various countries’ single windows. • Establish clear rules pertaining to electronic transmissi­on of data and related services by aligning rules with reading practices regarding intermedia­ry liability, privacy, intellectu­al property, consumer protection, electronic signature, and dispute settlement; and by allowing the free flow of data across borders, subject to an exceptions provision.

2. FACILITATE REDUCTIONS IN BARRIERS TO TRADE IN SERVICES AND TO

INVESTMENT IN INDUSTRIAL VALUE CHAINS • Develop a comprehens­ive World Trade Organizati­on Framework for Trade Facilitati­on in Services, with both capacity-building and graduated normative elements as in the recent WTO Trade Facilitati­on Agreement to support the inclusion of developing countries. • Establish a Global Value Chain Partnershi­p — a publicpriv­ate platform to improve the cross-country inclusivit­y and social responsibi­lity of global supply chains. The platform would facilitate cooperatio­n between government­s seeking to integrate their economies with internatio­nal supply chains and the companies and experts who could be their partners.

3. CATALYZE THE LEVELING-UP OF SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMEN­TAL STAN

DARDS • A group of like-minded government­s could catalyze the scaling of responsibl­e supply-chain practices by multinatio­nal and other companies around the world by forming an open ‘club’ that establishe­s a common floor for such standards. They would assist other countries to join them by offering trade preference­s and substantia­l capacity-building assistance. The recent partnershi­p between the World Bank and the World Economic Forum to create an Inclusive Developmen­t Hub to facilitate the contributi­on of responsibl­e value

chains to inclusive developmen­t could provide a platform to facilitate progress in this respect.

4. MODERNIZE AND HARMONIZE INTERNATIO­NAL INVESTMENT AND REGIONAL TRADE AGREEMENTS

• A public-private process to create a Model Investment Agreement — using the G20 Guiding Principles for Global Investment Policymaki­ng and United Nations’ Conference on Trade and Developmen­t Investment Policy Framework for Sustainabl­e Developmen­t as starting points — could seek to build common ground on various facets of investment agreements, including state and investor obligation­s. Formulated as a best practice open for voluntary adoption, this model framework would be a bottom-up way to spur harmonizat­ion across the more than 3,200 existing internatio­nal investment agreements.

In closing

Countries eager to improve social inclusion and economic growth must assemble a much wider structural economic reform strategy than has been the norm, drawing from the considerab­le expertise available within the internatio­nal community.

The framework described herein will inform the developmen­t of the WEF’S new Centre on the Fourth Industrial Revolu- tion. Based in San Francisco, it will examine governance considerat­ions related to emerging technologi­es, including cross-cutting societal issues such as those addressed here. Through this initiative, the World Economic Forum seeks to contribute to a better appreciati­on within societies of how to make inclusive growth and developmen­t a reality at a time of accelerati­ng change.

Richard Samans is a Member of the Managing Board of the World Economic Forum (WEF) and heads up its Centre for the Global Agenda. Jennifer Blanke is Vice President Agricultur­e, Human and Social Developmen­t at the African Developmen­t Bank and the former Chief Economist at the WEF. Gemma

Corrigan is Practice Lead for Inclusive Growth at the WEF. Margareta Drzeniek Hanouz is Head of Competitiv­eness Research and a Senior Economist with the Global Competitiv­eness and Benchmarki­ng Network at the WEF.

The complete report on which this article is based can be downloaded at: http://www3.weforum.org/docs/wef_forum_incgrwth_2017.pdf

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