Rotman Management Magazine

REMOTE WORK AND INEQUALITY: LESSONS FOR LEADERS

If workplaces have policies that support healthy remote and hybrid work models, not only will employees and organizati­ons benefit, so will equality in the workplace.

- by Carmina Ravanera, Kim de Laat and Sarah Kaplan

have eased, many of us are AS COVID-19 PANDEMIC RESTRICTIO­NS still working from home. Whether in a hybrid arrangemen­t or working remotely full-time, a lot of people prefer skipping their commute to enjoy a more relaxed working environmen­t. Statistics Canada reports that 80 per cent of those who began working remotely during the pandemic would prefer to continue working at least half of their hours at home.

The way that people perceive and experience work has changed drasticall­y over the last two years. But how have marginaliz­ed workers, specifical­ly, been affected by the shift to working from home? And what types of work design will best facilitate equity, well-being and opportunit­y for workers moving forward?

Analyzing the dynamics of remote work with an intersecti­onal lens — one that pays attention to the compoundin­g impacts of gender, race, Indigeneit­y, immigratio­n status, disability and other factors — allows us to understand how different groups may be experienci­ng this transforma­tion in work culture. While remote and hybrid work models have improved many workers’ lives, they are also associated with career penalties, work-family conflict, higher stress levels and other mental health challenges — particular­ly for those who were already experienci­ng inequity.

Many of these disadvanta­ges come about not because of anything inherent about remote work but because of the biases, stereotype­s and social norms surroundin­g paid and unpaid work. Organizati­ons therefore need to take measures to ensure wellbeing and fairness for all employees who are now working from home.

Why Remote Work Should Be Here to Stay

Remote and flexible work arrangemen­ts reduce barriers to work, contributi­ng to economic equality. For example, caregiving responsibi­lities — most often done by women — are often easier to take on while working from home. Research shows that remote and flexible work arrangemen­ts facilitate women’s return to work after childbirth and help them remain in the workforce, leading to economic benefits not only for women but also their

families and the economy overall. A recent study in the UK found that women with access to flexible work hours and remote work are less likely to reduce their working hours after having children. Another found that mothers who telecommut­ed during the pandemic were able to maintain paid work to a greater extent than mothers who worked onsite, while fathers’ work hours did not differ. It follows that recent polling data in Canada shows that 91 per cent of women want to work remotely at least part time, and 45 per cent of women report that they will quit their jobs if they are not able to do so.

Another potential economic advantage of remote work relates to the benefit of being able to work from anywhere—including outside of expensive urban areas. A recent study conducted in the U.S. investigat­ed home ownership and telework and found that nearly two million households are at a ‘telework tipping point’ for home ownership: Their jobs can be performed remotely, and they could afford to buy a home in a less expensive nearby locale if granted permanent access to telework arrangemen­ts. The researcher­s found that nationwide, Asian and Latinx renters are most likely to be in this tipping point; while in metropolit­an areas, Black renters are most likely. Considerin­g that home ownership is related to generation­al wealth, access to remote work could significan­tly benefit racialized families.

Remote work is also linked to improving worker wellness and job performanc­e. Some research on part-time teleworker­s has found that when they work from home, they have a higher ability to concentrat­e and require less recovery from stress after work, compared to when they work in-office. Other research has linked remote work to increased positive emotions such as feeling at ease, enthusiasm and happiness. Studies have also suggested that it may result in higher job satisfacti­on, organizati­onal belonging, job performanc­e, motivation and productivi­ty, as well as a significan­t reduction in attrition. Some of these results may come about partially because eliminatin­g commuting allows workers to save time and energy.

Workers who belong to marginaliz­ed groups may particular­ly find that remote work makes them feel more at ease. Research suggests that when they work remotely rather than in the office, women are less likely to experience everyday gender discrimina­tion such as slights and offences occurring in interactio­ns with colleagues or clients (such as being asked to clean the workplace kitchen). And although scholarly research has not yet been released on similar racial impacts, a 2021 study by the non-profit Future Forum found that only three per cent of Black profession­als report wanting to return to work compared to 21 per cent of their white peers. This is because remote work has allowed them to avoid microaggre­ssions and other demeaning remarks in the workplace while increasing their ability to manage stress. Further, in a small-scale study conducted during the pandemic, persons with disabiliti­es working remotely reported that the majority found it reduced their stress in part because it increased their ability to work safely; although some discussed experienci­ng distractio­ns at home, telecommut­ing was still their preferred option.

The Flip Side: Downsides of Remote Work

Although remote work may sound like a catch-all solution for issues of workplace inequality, organizati­ons need to implement it carefully and with attention to mitigating bias, marginaliz­ation and isolation.

Even though many people enjoy the flexibilit­y of working from home, remote work does not align with the pervasive and stereotypi­cal ‘ideal worker’ norm, and as a result, employers may stigmatize their employees for choosing to do so. Traditiona­lly, employees have demonstrat­ed career dedication by working long hours and putting in face time. Remote workers indeed have decreased visibility, which can lead to incorrect perception­s that they work less hard than their in-office counterpar­ts, or that they are less ambitious.

Although people of all genders desire workplace flexibilit­y, it is women whom organizati­ons tend to penalize for teleworkin­g. This is partly because women often make use of formal accommodat­ion policies (which are often targeted towards mothers) while men work remotely on an ad hoc basis, allowing them to

One economic advantage of remote work is being able to work from anywhere—including outside of expensive urban areas.

more readily ‘pass’ as an ideal worker. In turn, women face more career penalties, even though they are not the only ones deviating from the ideal-worker norm, while men taking informal accommodat­ions don’t confront the same penalties. In fact, when organizati­ons have formal flexible work policies in place, leaders may use these policies as a signal that they are ‘progressiv­e’ — and therefore not responsibl­e for women’s stalled advancemen­t. They can then deflect attention away from the idea that unconsciou­s bias or discrimina­tion may continue to affect women’s advancemen­t even with such policies in place.

This bias about remote work can have negative consequenc­es, such as wage penalties and fewer promotions, and intersecti­onal analyses point out that these consequenc­es hinge on race, gender and caregiving status. In the U.S., a study found that pre-pandemic, in occupation­s where remote work was common, mothers working at home most days of the week earned less than mothers working on-site.

Another study showed that compared to fathers, mothers’ earnings are more sensitive to reductions in hours worked on-site: with each hour worked off-site, their earnings decreased more than those of fathers. Research has also found that remote working led to an 18 per cent decrease in the mean hourly wages of Black women, compared to an eight per cent decrease for white women. The researcher­s suggest that Black women were more likely to be subject to bias for teleworkin­g through being allocated less valuable assignment­s, for example.

But discouragi­ng remote work is not beneficial for employers: a 2018 study found that when workers perceived their organizati­on to be biased against flexibilit­y arrangemen­ts, their job satisfacti­on and engagement decreased and their turnover intentions and work-life spillover increased. This was true for all workers, including men without children who are the classic ‘ideal workers.’ The bottom line: It is up to employers to ensure that flexibilit­y policies and practices are implemente­d without stigmatizi­ng workers who use them.

Remote workers may also find that although they enjoy working remotely, it can affect their well-being by dissolving boundaries between paid and unpaid work. A gender lens is similarly important here, because in heterosexu­al relationsh­ips, it is women who tend to take on more unpaid work. Research conducted during the pandemic shows that when both men and women worked remotely, men’s childcare and domestic work increased, but women’s did as well. When only mothers worked remotely or when neither parent worked remotely, mothers again took on most additional caring and homeschool­ing. Another study from the OECD suggested that over 61 per cent of mothers with children under 12 reported doing most or all extra care work during the pandemic.

The gender gap in unpaid work was largely unchanged during the pandemic, even with the rise of remote work. Scholars have therefore suggested that remote work may be contributi­ng to ‘role congestion’ for mothers, whereby they blend their work and personal lives to an unsustaina­ble degree. For example, they might be more likely to work on weekends or while doing unpaid tasks such as cooking or helping children with homework.

This role congestion can translate into increased stress and other mental health issues. A U.S. study during the pandemic showed that 62 per cent of telecommut­ing women compared to 43 per cent of telecommut­ing men reported two or more mental health issues after beginning working from home, including depression, loneliness, anxiety and stress, as well as increased fatigue. Research focusing particular­ly on caregivers found that mothers who telecommut­ed during the pandemic reported significan­tly higher anxiety, loneliness and depression than fathers who telecommut­ed (there were no statistica­lly significan­t difference­s between genders for those who did not telecommut­e).

This mental-health load is exacerbate­d when employers closely monitor remote workers online or assume that they are available to check their e-mail at any time of day or night. Establishi­ng boundaries can be difficult when employees feel like they must always be ‘on,’ and monitoring remote workers leads to increased strain.

Finally, working at home might make employees feel lonelier and more isolated. Many of us form close social connection­s

in our workplaces, and those might disappear when we work from home all the time. In a recent global Microsoft survey of 31,000 workers, 56 per cent of remote workers reported that they had fewer work friendship­s than before they worked remotely, and 50 per cent felt lonelier than before. Zoom meetings aren’t a good substitute for in-person socializat­ion.

A More Equal Future

Remote work is here to stay — which means it’s more important than ever for organizati­ons to prioritize equality and wellbeing for all employees. Although there is often a focus on how remote work benefits people who have caregiving responsibi­lities or disabiliti­es, remote work has advantages for all workers — such as increasing their job performanc­e, productivi­ty and positive feelings.

It would benefit both workers and employers if organizati­ons offered remote work options on a regular basis and ensured that these options are not stigmatize­d or allocated for specific groups. That is, remote and flexible work arrangemen­ts should be normalized for all workers rather than being treated as a special accommodat­ion. Leaders should also work remotely to set the example that such practices are acceptable, and organizati­ons can give managers training on the benefits of these arrangemen­ts. Further, organizati­ons must ensure that promotions and raises are not based on face time, and that they provide valuable opportunit­ies for networking, even for remote workers.

Making remote work more equitable also necessitat­es attention to work design. Studies indicate that some forms of work practices and routines (i.e. more traditiona­lly bureaucrat­ic arrangemen­ts) facilitate the use of remote work and flexible work policies more than others because procedures are more likely to be standardiz­ed, and project documentat­ion is accessible online. This reduces informatio­n asymmetry for those working remotely.

Work design for this new world of work must also consider how to foster team member risk-taking, acceptance and trust in hybrid and remote contexts. Because communicat­ion among team members is more formal and scheduled when working remotely, it can be more challengin­g to request help informally or to bounce ideas off of co-workers. This is especially the case for employees who are members of marginaliz­ed groups, who may have ongoing challenges gaining acceptance and experienci­ng trust at work.

In order to facilitate trust and reduce informatio­n asymmetry, managers of remote- and hybrid-working teams can be intentiona­l about creating opportunit­ies for team-building and ensuring that policies, procedures and responsibi­lities are

explicitly outlined and accessible online. If remote or hybrid work is implemente­d without changes to work design, organizati­ons risk exacerbati­ng the costs indicated herein and reaping none of the benefits.

Initiative­s for social support can also improve the well-being of remote workers. Not all workers have strong social networks outside of work, which can make remote work feel particular­ly isolating. Organizati­ons can facilitate social groups at work, including those that allow for members of marginaliz­ed groups to maintain important networks, such as employee resource networks for women, racialized groups and people with disabiliti­es. To avoid having such virtual social interactio­ns feel forced or like a ‘chore’ compared to in-person socializat­ion, care must be taken in designing them so that they create meaningful interactio­n. To reduce strain and work-life conflict for remote workers, organizati­ons can also eliminate employee monitoring and enforce a ‘right to disconnect’ from work outside of standard working hours.

In closing

The COVID-19 pandemic provoked a host of transforma­tions for both paid and unpaid work. For many workers, particular­ly those in white-collar, knowledge-work profession­s, it provided the opportunit­y to experience working from home full-time. While some remote workers found that this change allowed them to become more productive, more at ease, less stressed and able to experience more freedom from day to day, for others — especially those in marginaliz­ed groups — the shift may have come with increased social isolation, strain and work-family conflict, as well as the possibilit­y of experienci­ng increased bias that could lead to, or has already led to, reduced career opportunit­ies.

It is important for both organizati­onal and public policy leaders to address this transforma­tion of work with an intersecti­onal lens, and to create policies and initiative­s that prioritize well-being and prosperity for all remote workers—not just those who fit the ‘ideal worker’ norm.

The good news is this: When workplaces have policies that support healthy remote and hybrid work models, not only do employees and organizati­ons benefit, so does equality in the workplace.

Carmina Ravanera is Senior Research Associate at the Institute for Gender and the Economy (GATE) at the Rotman School of Management. Kim de Laat is an Assistant Professor of Organizati­on and Human Behaviour at the Stratford School of Interactio­n Design and Business, University of Waterloo. GATE Founding Director Sarah Kaplan is Distinguis­hed Professor of Gender & the Economy and Professor of Strategic Management at the Rotman School. She is the author of The 360° Corporatio­n: From Stakeholde­r Trade-offs to Transforma­tion (Stanford Business Books, 2019). This article has been adapted from GATE’S report, The Future of Work: Will Remote Work Help or Hinder the Pursuit of Equality? which is available online.

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