SASK. PARTY AFTER WALL
Successor will have to develop own brand
Even outgoing Premier Brad Wall is getting tired of reflecting on his last days in office.
His departure less than a month from now will leave his governing Saskatchewan Party dealing with heightened political animosity and question marks next to major policy decisions.
Wall readily admits the swan song since his August retirement announcement is “probably getting a little long in terms of the opportunity to look back with people … This is turning into the Rolling Stones farewell tour — it doesn’t end.”
The faithful came out in force at the party’s annual convention in November to shed tears as Wall’s political allies, of whom there are many, delivered glowing speeches.
His final day of session in December brought more memorable speeches, spotted with praise for all he has accomplished in his decade served as premier.
By now his reflections on his tenure are well established.
Lauded as the man who made Saskatchewan the place to be, rather than a place to be from, he looks at “a sort of transformation in the province’s attitude” taking place under his tenure.
Chiefly for Wall, pumping up the province was an effort in wanting “to let folks know this is happening” and doing what his government thought could be done to keep the positive vibes going, such as introducing a retention payment to keep university grads in the province and increasing the number of immigrant nominees to Saskatchewan.
One byproduct of Wall’s time — made evident as he leaves office — is how much his Sask. Party is just that: his.
“Brad is the brand” has become commonplace knowledge for political watchers, because it’s true. He is the only Sask. Party premier the province has ever had.
A successor — there is still no clear front-runner in the leadership race to replace him — to be named less than a month from now will have a tall order of filling the shoes of a populist man who knew the shoe size of the province particularly well.
Wall says he does not regret having the Sask. Party brand tied so closely with himself.
“The party is going to have to … apply some resources, spend some resources to do the same thing for that new leader as the party did for me, because we have, whether we like it or not… the system of government we have is very leadercentric.”
He readily offers “there is risk in it where there is change, or when it doesn’t work” but is confident the next party leader, whoever it is, can be the face of the party.
At stake now for the Sask. Party is the 2020 election. Already the NDP — in the midst of its own leadership race — is confident the premier’s successor will pale in comparison to the well-liked Wall, who repeatedly ranked as one of the country’s most popular politicians.
He says he “really can’t” elaborate on who, but that he does see similar attributes to his in those vying for his job.
Such attributes will be needed, because the Sask. Party government is in unprecedented territory. Adding to the challenge of losing its biggest asset, the resource money that helped Wall’s government so much is now nearly just a memory.
March’s budget added nearly $1 billion in tax hikes, cut services, pushed planned public debt to record levels and shifted provincial coffers to rely more on consumption than resource revenue.
Certain measures — cuts to libraries, restricting money for poor peoples’ funerals and a corporate tax reduction — were watered down as a result of public outrage.
The government didn’t yield on other controversial decisions, such as the elimination of the Saskatchewan Transportation Company (STC) and putting less money toward municipal revenue sharing,
In sticking to its guns on most budget fronts, the political capital built up over 10 years of Wall was spent by the Sask. Party.
Ground was given on a law that would have allowed a partial sale of any Crown corporation in the province. Wall’s government revoked part of the law after large protests, but the portion that allowed it to dissolve STC remains intact.
Despite privatization of some government services over the past 10 years, Wall said he still believes Crowns are the sacred cows of the province.
Then there are the premier’s outstanding affairs — Wall is leaving his party with a decade’s worth of weighty political loads.
The future of SaskPower’s carbon capture and storage (CCS) strategy is to be determined, as the province decides whether or not to invest more than the already spent $1.5 billion in the disputed technology. It’s had months where it performed as billed, but is down for maintenance — planned or not — regularly.
On the project, Wall says the “jury is still out, verdict is not in yet, but it’s looking promising.”
The futures of other plans have equally large question marks next to them. It’s unclear what will become of the premier’s plan to save 3.5 per cent out of civil service wages, or balance the budget within three years.
His final months — in which a climate strategy to counter the federal one and the notwithstanding clause was invoked — were a sort of rallying cry for Wall, who saw the federal Liberals as the right kind of enemy to have in Saskatchewan.
Another right kind of enemy for Wall was the NDP. It’s a natural foe, given its status as official Opposition here, but the premier would often extend the fight out of province.
To that end, his reigniting of a trade war with Alberta prior to leaving office added fuel to a fire he won’t be around to tend to further.
Then there is the plaguing controversy over land deals related to the Global Transportation Hub. Investigated by the RCMP and now in the hands of Manitoba prosecutors, Wall says he hopes a decision on whether or not to lay charges is made before he leaves.
“If that report has not come down, that will be bothersome to me,” he said.