Saskatoon StarPhoenix

Despite blows, CANADA has U.S. friends in trade war

TRADE WAR Motions passed, but will likely have little effect

- Tom Blackwell

WASHINGTON, D.C. • War can be hell, even a trade war.

The blows aimed at Canada from south of the border have come fast and furious lately, with the U.S. slapping hefty tariffs on exports ranging from steel to newsprint, demanding to rip up NAFTA and even offering nasty words for the prime minister.

Amid the attacks and reprisals, there is some solace for Canada: a substantia­l chunk of the Washington, D.C., political class that has, in effect, taken this country’s side in various trade skirmishes. As the White House fires salvos at Canada, some lawmakers, even members of President Donald Trump’s Republican party, have acted almost like a wartime fifth column within the Washington beltway.

The question now is whether even they will have any impact on the president’s agenda.

On Wednesday, senators voted 88-11 in favour of a non-binding motion that calls for Congress to have a greater say in the administra­tion’s use of “nationalse­curity” tariffs, like those on steel and aluminum.

“Let’s be clear, this is a rebuke of the president’s abuse of trade authority,” said Republican Sen. Jeff Flake, a vocal Trump critic. “Can you imagine being Canada and being told your steel and aluminum exports to the United States (are) a national security threat?”

Down the hall in the House of Representa­tives, several members introduced a bill Wednesday that would require the president to get congressio­nal approval for national-security tariffs, while the house’s trade subcommitt­ee announced a hearing next week into the trade war’s toll on agricultur­e.

Producers are being “significan­tly hurt” by tariffs on imports they need, and face “severe” effects from retaliator­y measures taken by Canada and other nations, said subcommitt­ee chair Dave Reichert.

Congressme­n have also introduced bills to end new tariffs on Canadian newsprint, urged a stop to Canadian softwood lumber duties and spoken out generally against the White House’s confrontat­ional trade tactics with friends like Canada.

“Canada does have allies in Washington and Congress,” said Dan Ujczo, a trade lawyer based in Columbus. “Here in Ohio, U.S. Senator Sherrod Brown, who is one of the most ANTI-NAFTA, pro-tariff members of the Senate you will meet … even he’s saying that Canada should be exempted — as well as Mexico and the European Union — from steel and aluminum tariffs.”

After meeting with Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland last month, members of the Senate’s Gopdominat­ed foreign relations committee went out of their way to commiserat­e with Canada, citing the “sadness” of the suddenly tense relationsh­ip.

A “maple charm offensive” that has seen virtually every member of the federal cabinet make a total of over 200 visits to the U.S. in the last year has likely helped encourage such viewpoints, said a Canadian official familiar with the trade file.

Meanwhile, outside experts caution that pushback to Trump’s trade agenda on Capitol Hill could turn out to be largely toothless — and fleeting. Attempts to pass legislatio­n giving the Senate actual, tangible power over use of those national-security tariffs, for instance, have twice failed. And the U.S. midterm elections, rather than upend the administra­tion’s trade policy, may usher in more allies for him, on both sides of the aisle.

“Congress is important and there are some people who say nice things and actually do seem to agree with Canada,” said Chris Sands, head of the Center for Canadian Studies at Johns Hopkins University. “What I don’t know is whether they have the guts to make a difference in this debate.”

Indeed, Congress had an opportunit­y to stop Trump in his tracks recently, and failed to act. The president’s authority to negotiate a new NAFTA deal expired on July 1 and was automatica­lly renewed, but could have been halted with a “resolution of disapprova­l.” No one in Congress, which has constituti­onal authority over trade, even proposed such a move, said Sands.

Ujczo suggested many Republican legislator­s are willing to give Trump a “long leash” to see what he can accomplish with his trade machinatio­ns, sensing that voters, especially the Trump base, are onside with him.

“What we have seen is that his electorate is thrilled, is overjoyed by all of these measures that are being taken,” said Monica de Bolle, a senior fellow with Washington’s Peterson Institute for Internatio­nal Economics.

Still, Congress has unquestion­ably made some gestures of indirect support for Canada, and not just over the national-security tariffs.

A group of 170 House of Representa­tives members urged last month that the administra­tion settle with Canada over softwood lumber, citing the mounting costs of new homes triggered by countervai­ling duties on Canadian wood.

Bills have been introduced in both houses to suspend tariffs that were placed on Canadian newsprint, shaking an already struggling U.S. newspaper industry.

There is a “critical mass” within Congress that’s gravely concerned about the president’s actions, says De Bolle.

The possible next chapter, though, may be less hopeful for Canada.

Midterm elections this fall are likely to fill Congress with more Democrats who are traditiona­lly skeptical of free trade, and Trump Republican­s who espouse his unorthodox approach.

“I really caution people when they say ‘We’ll just wait out Trump,’ or ‘We’ll wait for a Blue (Democrat) wave,’ ” said Ujczo. “This is the new normal on trade.”

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