Foreign meddling inquiry may have lasting impact
David Johnston, the special rapporteur investigating allegations of foreign interference in Canadian elections, will reportedly announce on Tuesday whether or not a public inquiry is needed.
For the purposes of this column, I’m going to put aside the litany of genuine concerns that have been expressed about Johnston’s role, mandate and independence. I’m also going to set aside the litany of genuine concerns about the former Governor General of Canada’s decades-long ties to the Trudeau family and long-standing interest in China. Why?
Johnston’s advice on conducting a public inquiry is the only thing that now truly matters. His decision could potentially have major ramifications for Canada, both domestically and internationally.
Not just in the short term but in the long term.
What if Johnston decides that a public inquiry isn’t needed?
This would be a massive head-scratcher. Decades of foreign interference from totalitarian regimes like the old Soviet Union, Russia, China and Iran have been repeatedly detailed by the Canadian Security Intelligence
Service, university academics and others.
This includes everything from long-standing spy networks to modern cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns on the Internet.
Michel Juneau-Katsuya, CSIS’s former chief of the Asia-Pacific unit, made this profound assessment in late March to the standing committee on access to information, privacy and ethics.
“CSIS has known about [China’s] foreign interference in Canada for at least the last 30 years,” he said.
“Every federal government from Mulroney to today have been compromised by agents of communist China. Every government [was] informed at one point or another. Every government chose to ignore CSIS’s warning.”
With respect to recent allegations of
Chinese election interference, there’s an enormous paper trail to follow.
Media organizations like Global News, CBC News, The Globe and Mail and others have identified Independent MP Han Dong, Independent Ontario MPP Vincent Ke and former consul-general Tong Xiaoling in last year’s Vancouver municipal election as possible pieces of the puzzle. They’ve quoted CSIS reports, analyses, briefings and memos detailing what Chinese Communist Party officials have tried to do, and succeeded in doing, in the Great White North.
It would almost be unfathomable for Johnston to determine a public inquiry on foreign interference wasn’t needed. While some of the current allegations would undoubtedly be disproven, the ones that are valid must be highlighted and immediately dealt with.
Our Western allies have also clearly lost faith in Canada’s ability to properly deal with safety and security matters.
This undoubtedly led to our country being excluded from the AUKUS agreement in 2021.
What if Johnston decides that a public inquiry is needed?
This would be good news on the surface. It would show he understands just how serious the allegations of Beijing’s interference are – and why they must be properly examined in a large-scale, independent public inquiry.
“Public inquiries are episodic,” the Hon. Associate Chief Justice Dennis R. O’Connor, Court of Appeal for Ontario, correctly said.
“The issue, or the dispute, is bigger than who did what to whom, although that question may have to be addressed. The crisis that leads to an inquiry often demands a response that is public, specific about the past, comprehensive about the future, and also cost-efficient and speedy.”
Hence, Canada could have moved ahead with a public inquiry on foreign interference right off the bat in a fast, efficient and costeffective manner.
At the very least, a public inquiry could have been announced in conjunction with Johnston’s appointment as special rapporteur on Mar. 15. There was no reason why both couldn’t have materialized simultaneously.
Johnston’s decision is imminent. Here’s hoping he’ll make the right decision and won’t open the doors to further foreign interference repercussions from which Canada may never fully recover.