The Niagara Falls Review

Grenade attack reflects Venezuela’s vicious plight

- GWYNNE DYER Gwynne Dyer is an independen­t journalist based in London, England.

After almost three months of daily anti-government demonstrat­ions, what Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro needed most was an excuse to impose martial law, or at least to use major violence and mass arrests to close the protests down.

On Tuesday, Maduro got his excuse. A stolen police helicopter flew over the Supreme Court building in Caracas and dropped a couple of hand grenades near it.

The man behind this attack was Oscar Perez, a police officer who announced on Instagram he’d launched a struggle against tyranny.

“We are a coalition of military employees, policemen and civilians who are looking for balance and are against this criminal government,” Pérez said, and the four armed men behind him tried to look fierce.

Maduro did his best to inflate the incident into a major terrorist attack. “I have activated the entire armed forces to defend the peace,” he said. “Sooner or later, we are going to capture that helicopter and those who carried out this terror attack.” (And while we’re at it, we’ll round up a lot of opposition supporters.)

Maduro can no longer stay in power by democratic means. There is no doubt he won the presidency by a narrow but genuine majority (1.5 per cent) in the 2013 election that followed the death of Hugo Chavez, the hero-founder of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela. But there is also no doubt the opposition coalition, the Democratic Unity Roundtable, won a landslide victory in the parliament­ary election of 2015.

What made the difference was the price of oil. In 2013 it was around $100 a barrel. By 2015 it was in the low $40s, and it is still there today.

Venezuela is not a rich country, although most Venezuelan­s believe it is. It has a lot of oil, but it produces almost nothing else and imports practicall­y everything it consumes. So it is rich when oil is at $100, but it is very poor when it is below $50. The country is therefore now broke.

For reasons having nothing to do with alleged plots by the U.S. or the wicked local elites, per capita income in Venezuela has fallen by more than half in the past two years. So people are angry, including many of the poor people who benefitted from Chavez’s generosity with the oil revenues back in the good old days. There is a presidenti­al election due next year, and as things stand now Maduro would probably lose by two to one.

The National Assembly has had a two-thirds majority of opposition members since the 2015 election, and it has been pressing hard to bring the presidenti­al election forward to this year. Maduro had to stop that, and his first step was to have the Supreme Court, which is packed with Chavez and Maduro appointees, strip the National Assembly of all its powers and take them for itself.

This is what triggered the daily anti-government demonstrat­ions that began in early April. The Supreme Court’s action was clearly unconstitu­tional, and after three days that also saw protests from members of his own party, Maduro ordered the judges to backtrack on their decree. But the protesters stayed out in the street. Despite 70 dead in the past three months, they are still there.

So Maduro, desperate to sideline the National Assembly, came up with the idea of rewriting the constituti­on. There was no referendum to test popular support for this idea, and the people in the “constituen­t assembly” are being chosen according to rules set by the Maduro government.

Nobody is fooled by all this flimflam, and it is no surprise that Oscar Perez, whether he is a deluded revolution­ary or a secret government stooge flying false colours, chose to drop grenades on the Supreme Court.

Maduro has his pretext, and will now clamp down harder and try to terrify the opposition into submission. It is probably going to get much nastier yet in Venezuela.

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