The Prince George Citizen

Canada’s marginal Christian right

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The political power of the American Christian right naturally leads to interest and speculatio­n about the influence of similar groups in Canada. But social conservati­ves and evangelica­l Christians are a marginal force in Canadian politics, even in the Conservati­ve party. And research finds their dynamics here are quite different than in the United States.

Is there a Canadian Christian right at all? Yes and no.

The Christian right is closely associated with evangelica­l Christiani­ty, and perhaps 10 to 15 per cent of Canadians (depending on the survey method) are evangelica­l Christians. Nearly all are strongly conservati­ve on issues of reproducti­on and sexuality. But their broader political views vary considerab­ly. Few would support “dominionis­t” ideas of imposing a theologica­l state.

Furthermor­e, comparativ­e research on American and Canadian evangelica­ls consistent­ly finds different approaches to politics and political activity. In one striking study, American faith researcher Lydia Bean embedded herself (with full disclosure) in theologica­lly similar church congregati­ons in Buffalo, N.Y., and the Ontario city of Hamilton — only 100 kilometres apart — and found clear-cut political difference­s.

While all were strongly anti-abortion, the Buffalo group was heavily right-leaning across the board. They were also suspicious of government and secular society. In contrast, the Hamilton congregati­on was ideologica­lly different beyond social conservati­sm.

They were also more supportive of public institutio­ns and accepting of different opinions.

Access to power also differs in the two countries. The Canadian parliament­ary system concentrat­es power top-down in government and party leaders. The more bottom-up American system gives greater openings for legislator­s to pursue independen­t agendas.

This was evident under Stephen Harper’s Conservati­ves. While sometimes accused of having a theologica­l agenda himself, Harper openly stopped attempts by backbenche­rs to introduce abortion-related bills and motions. Current Conservati­ve Leader Andrew Scheer has pledged to follow Harper’s lead and not reopen the abortion issue.

This is not to say there isn’t an evangelica­l and social conservati­ve streak in the Conservati­ve party. Scheer may give more freedom to backbenche­rs than Harper did. The strongly anti-abortion Brad Trost came fourth in the 2017 leadership race. Yet Conservati­ves have shown little interest in advancing abortion rights any further.

Provincial government­s have rolled back progress on sex education and gay-straight alliance clubs. But provincial party leaders retain strong top-down control. And they seem to prefer to avoid rather than engage in these issues, even when they’re facing pressure from within their parties.

In this landscape, Canadian activism can be divided into two camps. The first is small but loud. Its most prominent figure is Charles McVety, president of Canada Christian College and associated with the rollback of the sex education curriculum in Ontario. But while skilled in cultivatin­g publicity, McVety’s exact influence with either government or fellow evangelica­ls has never been clear.

In contrast, groups in a larger second camp keep a lower profile. The largest evangelica­l Canadian organizati­on, the Evangelica­l Fellowship of Canada (EFC), avoids protests and partisan engagement. While firmly socially conservati­ve, the EFC engages on a broad range of issues that go beyond Christian right ideas. For example, it has taken a strong stand against Bill 21 (banning religious symbols) in Québec even though the legislatio­n will have little effect on evangelica­ls.

The American Christian right is powerful and dominates politics in some parts of the United States. But Canadian activists are primarily fighting defensive battles.

A good example is the recent controvers­y over the Canada Summer Jobs program. Last year, Justin Trudeau’s government introduced new requiremen­ts for organizati­ons seeking summer job subsidies to affirm their adherence to Charter of Rights and Freedoms values. This was clearly directed at anti-abortion groups that in the past had received subsidies for summer students.

But the wording of the applicatio­n ensnared all religious applicants that held anti-abortion views.

Another example is the unsuccessf­ul attempt of B.C.-based evangelica­l Christian Trinity Western University to accredit their new law school, with its restrictiv­e “lifestyle covenant” that binds students to a code of conduct that includes abstinence from sex outside of heterosexu­al marriage (now removed) – even though its teachers program already had such a covenant requiremen­t.

In both cases, the evangelica­ls’ challenge was to preserve their previous ability to exercise their views and values in semi-public spaces. And as seculariza­tion increases in Canada, this could lead to further encroachme­nts on that space, such as the removal of charitable tax status for churches.

Sophistica­ted groups like the Evangelica­l Fellowship of Canada are therefore adopting a broad religious freedom agenda that links their struggles with other religious rights issues, such as the ban on religious symbols in Québec.

Despite their bluster on reproducti­on and sexuality issues, Canadian evangelica­ls are on the defensive. And the Conservati­ve Party of Canada has done a masterful job retaining evangelica­l support despite not delivering on their key priorities.

So while there’s something resembling a Christian right in Canada, its influence is limited and the context quite different from the United States. It does have policy successes, but not many. The broader picture is one of marginal influence and largely defensive battles.

While they’re not going away, evangelica­ls and social conservati­ves in Canada are distinctly different from the American Christian right.

— Jonathan Malloy is a political science professor at Carleton University. This article first appeared in The Conversati­on.

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