The Province

Canada is world leader at giving away its sovereignt­y

- Gus Van Harten

What do the European Parliament and the U.S. Congress have in common? They both have done more to protect Canada’s sovereignt­y than our House of Commons.

Since winning a majority in 2011, the Harper government has been giving away Canadian sovereignt­y as if it were candy on Halloween.

The first handout was the Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement with China. The FIPA was finalized in 2014 and is now locked in for decades. Because of the FIPA, a decision of Canada’s Parliament or Supreme Court that displeases a Chinese investor is no longer final until the investor runs out of time to bring a FIPA claim against Canada. Under FIPA, that cutoff is three years.

If the FIPA claim is successful, Canadian taxpayers will typically have to compensate the Chinese investor for Canada’s law or court judgment — potentiall­y for billions of dollars. Canada’s legislatur­es and courts are no longer supreme over the country’s public budgets and the new supreme decision-makers are not courts.

The second concession — not finalized thanks to European opposition — is the Canada-Europe Comprehens­ive Economic and Trade Agreement. CETA was hurriedly announced at a dummy ceremony in Ottawa last summer. Yet, it has not been signed, let alone ratified.

Many Europeans have objected to CETA’s proposed shift of power from European institutio­ns to foreign companies and private lawyers. Most of all, CETA — in advance of another proposed deal between Europe and the U.S. — would expand a system of pseudo-courts for foreign companies that has raised widespread concerns in the European Parliament and Austria, France and Germany, in particular. Euphemisti­cally, the pseudo-courts are called an “investor-state dispute settlement.”

The third giveaway of Canadian sovereignt­y would come in the Trans-Pacific Partnershi­p. The TPP has been led by the U.S. government and followed by 11 relatively compliant Pacific Rim countries. Canada joined the march after Harper won his majority.

Like FIPA and CETA, the TPP would shift power over public budgets from national institutio­ns to the pseudo-courts of private lawyers. Like CETA, Canada’s sovereignt­y got more protection from elected officials in other parts of the world.

The high point of Canada’s sovereignt­y was from 1982 until 1994. In 1982, the Constituti­on was repatriate­d. For the first time a decision of Canada’s Parliament was supreme, subject to Canada’s Constituti­on as interprete­d by our courts. Canada ticked the boxes of formal independen­ce.

In 1994, NAFTA took effect. For U.S.-owned parts of our economy, Canada’s laws and courts became subject to another (extraordin­arily powerful) level of internatio­nal review in investor-state dispute settlement. Canada was, and has remained, the only Western-developed country to have conceded its sovereignt­y to the U.S. in this way.

But NAFTA was limited to U.S. companies in Canada. In FIPA, the pseudo-courts were extended to Chinese companies. In CETA and the TPP, they would be extended again, most notably to Western European and Japanese firms.

The attempts to expand the pseudo-courts for foreign companies with scant evidence of any benefit to the public to match the obvious costs and risks have caused a great deal of opposition and debate in Europe and the U.S. Why not in Canada? And, why is Canada a world leader in conceding our sovereignt­y this way?

Gus Van Harten is a professor and investment law specialist at Osgoode Hall Law School. He is the author of Sold Down the Yangtze: Canada’s Lopsided Investment Deal With China.

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