The Standard (St. Catharines)

The EU brought stability and solved the ‘German question.’ Now the U.K. wants out

- Gwynne Dyer Gwynne Dyer’s new book is “Growing Pains: The Future of Democracy (and Work).”

The fall of the Berlin Wall, 30 years ago on Saturday, was one of the best parties I ever went to, and certainly the longest. But when I finally sobered up, it was also quite frightenin­g, because nobody knew what was coming out of the box next.

There had been scary moments in Germany during the Cold War, of course, with Soviet troops in the eastern part and troops from practicall­y every Western country in the western part, but a divided Germany had become part of the landscape.

For many people on both sides, in fact, it was a quite satisfacto­ry landscape. As François Mauriac once said: “I love Germany so much I’m glad there are two of them.”

For the older generation of Europeans, Germany had always been the problem (two world wars), and the post-1945 division of the country was a kind of solution, since it kept foreign troops in both parts of Germany. They weren’t formally occupation forces any more, but they served as a sort of guarantee neverthele­ss. And in November 1989, that solution was collapsing.

On a brief visit to Moscow just weeks before the wall came down, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher told Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet leader: “We do not want the reunificat­ion of Germany. It would lead to changes in the (post-1945) borders that would undermine the stability of the entire internatio­nal situation.”

Indeed, Thatcher added, Gorbachev should ignore any statements to the contrary by the West. The NATO alliance might have to make pro-reunificat­ion statements to keep its German partner happy, but the other members didn’t really want to abandon the postwar settlement and “de-communise” Eastern Europe. But she was wrong about that.

Most of the senior politician­s in what was not yet called the European Union understood that German reunificat­ion was a risk that had to be accepted. There was a new German generation in charge, and you had to trust them.

Western Europe’s other leaders also understood that “de-communisin­g” eastern Europe might finally deliver the free and democratic Europe that should have followed the victory over Hitler in 1945, and they had the steady support of the senior President Bush in both those choices. But it really was a gamble, and it might all have gone wrong.

A reunited Germany could once again have used its wealth, numbers and central position to seek domination over Europe, as it had done under both the Kaisers and the Nazis. The countries of Eastern Europe, freed from Russian rule, might have ended up as a string of squabbling tinpot dictatorsh­ips, as most of them did when they first got their freedom after the First World War.

The main reason it didn’t all end in tears was the European Union, a more comprehens­ive version of the existing European Economic Community that was negotiated in 1990-92 and declared in 1993.

Creating the EU (and giving it a common currency, the euro) provided a structure big and strong enough to contain a united Germany and not be dominated by it. It also saved the former “satellite” countries of Eastern Europe from a potentiall­y ugly fate. The EU countries had all the things that Poles, Slovaks and Bulgarians longed for: prosperity, personal freedom and democracy. And although it is not a charitable institutio­n, the EU decided to let the Eastern European countries join.

The fall of the Berlin Wall did not lead automatica­lly to the benign reunificat­ion of Germany. It created the opportunit­y for positive change, but making it happen took hard political work.

There is no “German question” today. It has been solved. The economies of Eastern European countries are far bigger than they were 30 years ago, and average incomes are catching up. There are some problems with populist/nationalis­t regimes in Poland and Hungary at the moment, but it’s still far better there politicall­y than it ever was before 1989. It’s better everywhere — so why is the United Kingdom, the second-biggest member of this organizati­on that has put an end to centuries of war in Europe, now planning to leave the EU?

Because the English don’t get it. Britain is an island that hasn’t been successful­ly invaded for almost a millennium, so they don’t realize that the EU is primarily about preserving democracy and keeping the peace. They think it’s just an economic deal, and a lot of them believe (mistakenly) that they can get a better deal elsewhere.

They are, as Napoleon allegedly remarked, “a nation of shopkeeper­s.” (Actually, it was Adam Smith who said it first.) A nation of shopkeeper­s who haven’t even noticed that their shops are closing down.

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