The Telegram (St. John's)

Remember your history

- Tom Careen Placentia

In February 1966, the government of then-prime minister Lester B Pearson provided $300 million to assist Manitoba with Nelson River hydroelect­ric developmen­t.

According to the House of Commons Hansard, the federal government would finance, construct and own the high voltage transmissi­on lines required to move Nelson River power to the internatio­nal (North Dakota and Minnesota) and interprovi­ncial (Saskatchew­an and Ontario) borders and potential export markets.

Atomic Energy of Canada Limited, a federal Crown corporatio­n, was given the job of overseeing the constructi­on of the hydro towers and lines. Manitoba Hydro purchased the vital infrastruc­ture from the federal government a few years later when the Nelson River was generating electricit­y and revenue.

Around 1966, Newfoundla­nd was trying to develop Churchill Falls. Is there any mention to be found in the House of Assembly Hansard about Manitoba’s and Ottawa’s cozy relationsh­ip?

Excuse me, I mean co-operative federalism in an early incarnatio­n.

Was there any federal money for Newfoundla­nd to develop Churchill Falls or pay for transmissi­on lines across Quebec to potential export markets in 1966 or at any other time?

Were then-premier Jean Lesage of Quebec and his natural resources minister, Rene Levesque, too big and tough to stand up to for Pearson and Jack Pickersgil­l, Newfoundla­nd’s representa­tive in the federal cabinet?

Pickersgil­l started life as a Manitoba farm boy, but it was the Newfoundla­nd voter who helped him realize his dreams of becoming an elected federal politician and cabinet minister.

Did the federal government abandon Newfoundla­nd to the ambitions and tender mercies of Quebec? Mike (Pearson’s nickname) and Jack were eager confederat­es of Joe Smallwood in 1948-1949. “Come into my parlour,” said the spider to the fly. “Let me in. It’s cold,” sighed the snake.

There was a constituti­onal duty to assure the province’s right to get her manufactur­ed goods, in this case hydroelect­ricity, across any and all interprovi­ncial boundaries.

Quebec has never accepted the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council’s decision of 1927. That province’s first reaction on learning of the award of Labrador to Newfoundla­nd was to blame Ottawa’s stupidity and incompeten­ce for losing. The next and far lasting reaction was to accuse Newfoundla­nd of stealing her land, of cheating her out of what Ottawa had giver her in 1912 although it wasn’t Ottawa’s to give.

In the words of able scholars Peter Neary and Patrick O’flaherty, “Thanks to good management and clever argument, a coast had become an empire. Quebec balked, but Newfoundla­nd possessed.”

Before a matter is brought to arbitratio­n, both parties in the dispute agree to abide by the arbitrator’s decision. Indeed, recourse to arbitratio­n implies an engagement to submit in good faith to the award.

Quebec is a constituen­t part of Canada and had a long history in North America before Confederat­ion. The JCPC dispute and decision was an internatio­nal event outside Quebec’s purview.

Is Quebec’s behavior since 1927 (Maurice Duplessis growling and threatenin­g in 1948-49, the revenge of geography of Lesage and Levesque in the 1960s, the nationalis­t idea of maître chez nous) some evidence of Canada’s reluctance to accept the JCPC decision?

In internatio­nal matters, and the boundary dispute and decision was such a matter, Ottawa bears responsibi­lity for Quebec’s behaviour.

If, in any talks with Quebec or Hydro Quebec on a future Churchill Falls power contract post 2041, and the federal government offers to help facilitate the negotiatio­ns, Newfoundla­nd and Labrador and its Crown corporatio­n, NL Hydro, should respectful­ly or otherwise decline Ottawa’s offer.

I recommend you remember your history.

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