The Walrus

Saviour-in-chief

Donald Trump’s Christian cheerleade­rs reveal the moral hypocrisy of the American Right

- By Michael Coren

Donald Trump’s Christian cheerleade­rs reveal the moral hypocrisy of the American Right

In January, Donald Trump enacted some of the most oppressive visa, immigratio­n, and refugee policies in the history of the United States. Those policies are an affront not only to American values, but also to the Biblical tenets that many Republican­s claim to take as their inspiratio­n. The Bible, both the Old and New Testaments, is replete with calls for the foreigner and stranger to be welcomed. Yet Franklin Graham, son of the iconic evangelist Billy Graham, backed Trump’s so-called Muslim ban and, in a Facebook post, praised the president for protecting his citizens.

It’s difficult to recall now, but not so long ago, Trump was regarded by the Christian Right as an enemy of the Almighty. Trump supported abortion rights and same-sex marriage. He was on his third wife, used profane language, had been accused of sexual assault, and seemed to have no problems whatsoever with the moral decay of God’s chosen United States of America.

Yet, in November, white evangelica­ls voted for the man in overwhelmi­ng numbers. Some conservati­ve Catholic writers even debated whether Trump was “the new Constantin­e” — a reference to the first Christian emperor of the Roman world — and six faith leaders agreed to preach at his inaugurati­on.

So to what do we attribute the white evangelica­l movement’s great epiphany, its political conversion on the road to Damascus? Answering that requires drawing some distinctio­ns. The largest Christian population is, of course, Roman Catholic. Protestant­ism is made up of a number of denominati­ons, but, broadly, we can split the Christian faith that broke from Catholicis­m in the sixteenth century along conservati­ve and liberal lines. Liberal Protestant­s such as Anglicans, United and United Methodists, and many Lutherans and Presbyteri­ans tend to have a more living, unfolding relationsh­ip with their faith — placing emphasis on Jesus’s love rather than the literal truth of Scripture. So on gay equality, reproducti­ve rights, and immigratio­n, their positions tend to trend left. As a result, the majority of liberal Protestant­s — as well as most black evangelica­ls — opposed Trump. Catholics were divided, as is usually the case. Conservati­ve Protestant­s, however, are largely evangelica­l, and many believe in the strict interpreta­tion of God’s word.

But none of this fully explains Trump’s almost complete and extraordin­arily swift seduction of these white right-wing Christians. That’s because their vote, I would argue, was motivated not by doctrinal beliefs, but by the political and moral fetishes the group has nursed over the past half century. To put it bluntly, the Christian Right has a strange and quite nonBiblica­l obsession with what other people do with their genitalia.

Scripture never specifical­ly mentions abortion, the Old Testament never refers to lesbianism, and the entire Bible brings up homosexual­ity — the word didn’t exist in the ancient world — only a handful of times. In fact, a number of theologian­s are convinced that there are Scripture passages that actually support same-sex relationsh­ips.

Yet many evangelica­l Christians in North America have made abortion and gay marriage the prism of their faith. A person is defined not by their commitment to neighbours, or acts of forgivenes­s and charity, but by a determined opposition to these “great sins” of modernity — a menu that also includes euthanasia and pornograph­y.

Trump doesn’t say much about euthanasia, but he has suddenly become profoundly pro-life, even suggesting during the campaign that women who have abortions should be punished. He later backtracke­d on this, but anti-abortion blogs were full of praise for a man whom they saw as brave enough to speak truth to liberal power.

Because of his many statements expressing support for or indifferen­ce to LGBTQ issues, Trump found it far more difficult to perform a volte-face on the subject, so he surrounded himself with activists who

were proudly anti-gay and could “interpret” the leader to the masses. Oh, how eager to grasp that interpreta­tion the masses were!

Even the more skeptical right-wing Christians who don’t buy Trump’s new persona know that he will likely appoint conservati­ve judges such as Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court, and in some ways that’s more important to them than having a comrade in the Oval Office. It’s true that his refugee policy was denounced by a number of Christian groups that had supported him in the election, but I strongly suspect that, sooner or later, they will fall in line. Why? Because ultimately they want abortion to be overturned, same-sex marriage to be reversed, and socalled protection of religion legislatio­n to be passed — all of which will allow Christians to discrimina­te against gay men and women in any number of ways. (It was reported that Trump had been preparing an executive order to roll back protection­s for LGBTQ people until urged otherwise by his daughter and son- in-law.) Accomplish­ing all of these goals will be a difficult, perhaps impossible task — even for the Supreme Court — but proponents of these changes will likely try. And Trump looks poised to support them. Remember, within three days of becoming president, he removed funding from any aid organizati­on providing abortion education or facilities abroad. It was one of the first things he did.

One of the ironies of all of this is that Barack Obama, widely disliked by the Christian Right, was actually a man of deep Christian faith. He desperatel­y wanted to reduce abortion rates, especially in innercity black communitie­s, and he hoped to achieve this by making contracept­ives readily available, providing good and modern sex education, empowering women, and working to reduce poverty. These policies have been staggering­ly successful, but the Christian Right opposes sex education, has major concerns about contracept­ives, and often stands against gender equality.

As for Trump’s personal life, the denial from his Christian friends regarding his un-christian conduct is remarkable even by fake-news standards. While Jesus doesn’t mention homosexual­ity, he is not a fan of divorce, and twice divorced is even worse. No matter, apparently. Trump’s attitudes toward women, sex, and morality were similarly downplayed. “We’re electing a president, not a minister” was the rallying cry. Yet it’s hard not to imagine these same people condemning a liberal or Democratic politician — Bill Clinton being a good example — who gets into trouble in those areas.

We see some of that hypocrisy in Canada, but what makes American evangelica­lism different is its emphasis on exceptiona­lism. The belief that the US has a unique role to play in human history permeates much of American life, of course, but when mingled with ideas of predestina­tion and being God’s chosen people, it overrides notions of mercy and humility. Thus the sweaty handshake between moral conservati­sm and hawkish foreign policy, gun ownership, and severe criminal justice. American Christian callousnes­s is often so pronounced that being Christian has, alas, become a byword for intoleranc­e. Robert Jeffress, a Southern Baptist pastor who preached at a private service for Trump on Inaugurati­on Day, once called Islam an “evil religion” that “promotes pedophilia,” and accused Obama of “paving the way” for the anti-christ.

Christiani­ty, however, is based on paradox. God on a cross, the powerful losing, the powerless tasting victory. As dreadful and painful as the Trump Christian experience may be, it has obliged some younger and more thoughtful evangelica­l Christians to question their church. These people are growing up with gay friends, know people who have had abortions, accept climate change as a self-evident fact, and manage to reconcile all of this with a God of love, grace, gentleness, and change. If the Left can listen to them, and if some meeting point can be found, there is a chance — though admittedly a distant one — that we could see a different voting pattern in an election or two.

In the meantime, Trump has grabbed conservati­ve Christians by the, well, neck. Whether he is dragging them toward a New Jerusalem remains to be seen.

The belief that the US has a unique role to play in human history overrides notions of mercy and humility.

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