The Walrus

Students for Sale

Internatio­nal students are lied to, cheated, and exploited on multiple fronts. They’re also propping up higher education as we know it

- by Nicholas Hune-brown

Internatio­nal students are lied to, cheated, and exploited on multiple fronts. They’re also propping up higher education as we know it

The singh family home is a one-storey building of brick and cement on one of the main streets in Bibipur, a village of 1,000 in Punjab, northern India. The house has cracks in its walls and a roof of wood and mud that leaks during monsoon season. It was built about sixty years ago, and every decade or so since, whenever government workers have repaved the road outside the house, they’ve simply added another layer of asphalt on top of what was already there. Over time, the road has grown higher and higher, and the house has seemed to sink in contrast.

Kushandeep Singh was born here in 1999, and by the time he was a teenager, the house sat well below grade. Whenever it rained, water would stream in off the road and the family would rush to try to hold it back as best as they could with brooms and buckets.

Like just about everyone in Bibipur, the Singhs are farmers. The family owns a small plot — twelve acres of wheat and rice with a few cows and buffalo. On warm days as a child, Kushandeep would run off with his friends and bathe in the same pond the cows lolled around in. As landowners, the Singhs were far from the poorest in town, but they were a long way from wealthy. Fourteen people lived in the three-bedroom house: Kushandeep, his younger sister, and his parents in one room; one set of grandparen­ts in another; and his uncle, aunt, and cousins in the third.

The family’s biggest investment by far was Kushandeep. Most of the kids in his village learned while sitting on the floor of the local government school, but Kushandeep’s father insisted on sending him to the nearest city, Patiala, to attend a private school with basketball courts and a cricket pitch and instructio­n in English. “My father never compromise­d on my education,” says Kushandeep. The tuition alone cost almost a third of the family’s income.

His father hired a rickshaw to ferry Kushandeep an hour to school each way, picking up other students en route. Over the years, on long rides down dusty highways, Kushandeep would sit back and watch the billboards float past — an ever-shifting window into the world outside Bibipur. When he was young, all the ads were for local restaurant­s and stores. As he grew older, billboards for multinatio­nals like Mcdonald’s followed. Finally, as Kushandeep neared the end of secondary school, a new product began to appear: postsecond­ary education in Canada.

A decade ago, few people in rural Punjab were thinking about schools in Canada. It was a cold, mysterious place that didn’t hold much appeal. “But, in the past five or six years, it’s become a hot topic,” says Prithvi Raj, a student in India who was preparing to study overseas when he spoke with me. “Canadian education is being sold like hotcakes. You don’t even have to sell it — people will just come and buy.”

The product being advertised on billboards in Patiala is the same one that thousands of recruiters are hawking at education fairs in Beijing and private-school visits in Rio de Janeiro: a new version of the Canadian immigrant dream. The pitch is straightfo­rward. First, get a student visa to study in Canada — the specific school doesn’t particular­ly matter. After that, get a postgradua­te work permit that lets you live and work in the country for up to three years. Then apply for permanent residency. When described by a seasoned recruiter, the process seems simple. Details about what to study, or the actual odds of becoming a permanent resident, aren’t important. What’s important is the idea that, if you run that gauntlet, you can build a life beyond anything you could dream of in a place like Bibipur. “Every student is going to these agents and saying, ‘I want to go to Canada,’” says Kushandeep.

At eighteen, Kushandeep was a baby-faced teenager with big brown eyes and a thoughtful, earnest way of expressing himself. He did well in school, though not as well as some of the richer kids in his class. His English was improving, but he had never left the state, let alone the continent. He had one distant cousin on his father’s side who had studied in British Columbia. But, as far as he knew, not a single person from his village had ever gone to school overseas. When Kushandeep did well on his

English proficienc­y exams and education abroad began to seem like a real possibilit­y, his family considered borrowing money from every relative and friend they knew. But the numbers didn’t add up. For an internatio­nal student, tuition at a Canadian school started at $20,000 a year, excluding the cost of living. In a good year, if the harvests went well, the Singh family earned about $9,000 in profit. Eventually, it was decided: the family would mortgage their farm.

Students like Kushandeep have complicate­d the usual picture of internatio­nal study. The 2000s-era stereotype of the pampered young foreigner, usually from mainland China, who drives flashy sports cars and shops for Gucci bags between classes was always a caricature, but now it’s entirely divorced from reality. In 2019, 34 percent of the more than 642,000 internatio­nal students in Canada were from India, well ahead of China’s 22 percent.

Many of these students are from Punjab, and they generally attend small community colleges, not internatio­nally renowned universiti­es. A recent study by Rakshinder Kaur and Kamaljeet Singh, professors of education at Punjabi University Regional Centre, surveyed students attending an English-language training school in preparatio­n to study abroad: 80 percent came from farming families, most from small farms. When asked where they wanted to study, 78 percent said Canada. Mortgaging land to cover tuition has become common, with more and more families literally selling the farm to send their children to community colleges.

These students are driving an internatio­nal education industry that has exploded in recent years, their numbers tripling in the last decade. Today, Canada says it’s the third most popular country for study in the world behind only the United States and Australia. In press releases and reports, the federal government brags that foreign students bring over $21 billion into the economy each year — more than auto parts, more than lumber. Those numbers are the result of a decade of careful nurturing, a triumph of salesmansh­ip, and carefully calibrated government policies.

Internatio­nal students are also the product of a system that has blurred the lines between immigratio­n and education in an unofficial, ad hoc arrangemen­t meant to appeal to potential immigrants while avoiding any responsibi­lity for their settlement. It’s a system that is quietly transformi­ng postsecond­ary institutio­ns, which have grown dependent on fees from foreign students and therefore on the shadowy world of education agents who deliver them. And it’s a system built on attracting teenagers like Kushandeep from small villages across the world, taking their money, and bringing them to campuses from small-town Nova Scotia to suburban BC with lofty promises for the future but little regard for what actually happens to them once they arrive.

the agents

When kushandeep wanted to figure out how to begin a life in Canada, he did what everyone does: he went to an education agent.

These salespeopl­e aren’t difficult to track down in India. “You could find an agent shop on every corner, on every street, on every road,” says Kushandeep. One agent I spoke with put their numbers in the tens of thousands in India alone, though there is no way to know the exact figure — it is a largely unregulate­d business, open to anyone.

Agents connect students like Kushandeep with postsecond­ary institutio­ns overseas. They often find the school, complete the paperwork, and apply for the visa. Despite this, they’re generally not paid by the students but by the institutio­ns. Schools aren’t often forthcomin­g about their commission­s, but multiple agents told me that the industry standard is 15 to 20 percent of a student’s first year of tuition — a rate that can net them anywhere from $1,500 to $5,000 a head.

It’s a commission the institutio­ns are more than willing to pay since it will be recouped by an internatio­nal tuition close to five times higher than domestic fees. Today, attracting overseas students is a financial imperative. The result is a booming secondary economy built on top of the internatio­nal student market, with immigratio­n consultant­s and recruiters mushroomin­g up around the world.

Mel Broitman can remember the business in its infancy. In the mid-1990s, when the former cbc journalist began his education-consultanc­y company with his lawyer friend Dani Zaretsky, the market in Canada was modest. He explains that China was sending a few thousand students a year. There was the odd European. “When we first started working, in ’97, there were maybe 400 Indian students,” Broitman says.

Broitman started building his business in Bangladesh, travelling to elite high schools and giving his little presentati­on about life in Canada. “It was sleepy times,” he says. Over the next two decades, he watched the evolution of what’s now a multibilli­on-dollar industry. In the early 2000s, he went to China — for decades the single biggest source of overseas students — and saw a potential goldmine. Agents, he says, were double-charging, taking money from students as consultant­s and then taking commission­s from the institutio­ns. They were falsifying grades, faking English-proficienc­y tests — anything to get kids into a Canadian school. Broitman was appalled. He remembers calling up his partner and asking facetiousl­y, “Dan, you want to make $3 million a year, cash? We only have to be a little bit crooked.”

In 2011, Canada attracted 239,131 students. It was around this time that the federal government decided it needed to double that number in the next decade. In “Internatio­nal Education: a Key Driver of Canada’s Future Prosperity,” the 2012 report that would become the blueprint for the country’s strategy, the authors urge the government to act quickly. “We believe Canada is facing a unique window of opportunit­y that requires coordinati­on of our promotiona­l efforts.” These students, the report argues, are necessary to address skilled labour shortages and relieve demographi­c pressures as Canada’s working population ages.

The factors that make Canadian education attractive to internatio­nal students have little to do with the schools themselves and much more to do with the

fact that Canada is an English-speaking country, it has a reputation for safety, and most importantl­y, it has tweaked its immigratio­n policies. Canada allows students to work up to twenty hours a week off-campus — a necessity for indebted students like Kushandeep. Students are allowed to stay in the country and work for up to three years after graduation. During that time, they can also apply for permanent residency. Under the Express Entry program, students enter a pool with other prospectiv­e immigrants and are given points according to a number of criteria from language skills to education to work experience. The government selects those with the most points, the cut-off changing each selection period depending on who else applies.

Adjusting those two variables, the ability to work and the pathway to permanent residency (PR), is how government­s try to control the flow of students. Create a more favourable path to PR — by, for example, assigning more points to those getting a Canadian degree, as Canada did in 2016 — and you open the faucet wider. Restrict the ability to work postgradua­tion, as the UK did in 2010, and the market dries up.

Over the last decade, Canada has done its best to increase that flow. In 2019, 642,000 internatio­nal students came to Canada — three times as many as when the 2012 report was drawn up. And, as the number of students has grown, the recruitmen­t business has grown with it. Broitman claims that his company delivered some 6,300 students to the University of Windsor over fifteen years, worth approximat­ely $400 million in tuition. But that figure is tiny compared to the behemoth agencies in China and India moving kids at volume. New Oriental, a publicly traded company out of Beijing that combines private education, English tutoring, and internatio­nal recruitmen­t, has a market cap of more than $17 billion.

According to Broitman, the economics of the system reveal a fundamenta­l truth: a student who walks into an agent’s shop is not the client — they’re the product.

If an agent is getting commission­s from an unremarkab­le community college in rural Ontario, then their only motivation is to get every teenager who walks through their door, no matter how brilliant or hopeless, to enroll in that one college. “That’s how the business works,” says Broitman. “You just direct people to where your bread is buttered.”

The students I spoke with described fast-talking salespeopl­e pitching an unrealisti­c vision of Canada and, in particular, of students’ chances for permanent residency. “They push a lot,” says Rajpreet Sohal, a student from India who studied at Lakehead University. “Even if a student is poor, they say, ‘Don’t worry, you can ask for money.’”

Sohal remembers visiting an agent who kept encouragin­g him to apply to small colleges in Canada despite his excellent grades and his desire to pursue graduate school. When Sohal eventually went to Lakehead University for amaster’s in mechanical engineerin­g, he decided to become an internatio­nal-student ambassador. There, he spoke with students from around the world, from Nigeria to Thailand, all of whom, he recalls, described the same agent behaviours in their home countries. Some had been pushed toward certain private schools that aren’t eligible for postgradua­te work permits. Others had been given false informatio­n about tuition fees. One student had boarded a plane after being told they were enrolled in one college only to arrive and find they hadn’t actually been signed up. “This thing is getting nasty,” says Sohal. “It’s a dirty business.”

Beyond the clear- cut instances of fraud, the entire system in Canada is built around the false premise that education, not work and immigratio­n, is the primary aim for most students. According to a survey by the Canadian Bureau of Internatio­nal Education, 60 percent of students intend to apply for permanent residency, a percentage that is likely far higher if you look solely at students attending community colleges. “Everybody knows it’s just a pathway to PR,” says Prithvi Raj. “That’s what the government is encouragin­g. That’s what the agents are selling. Any way you slice it, everybody is in on this.”

If students want permanent residency, they need to pick an area of study that will eventually earn them enough points through Canada’s Express Entry immigratio­n system. It may be easy to get accepted into one community college’s pastry chef program, but what are the odds of that degree turning into a “skilled labour” job that will lead to a future in Canada? For agents on the streets of Patiala, however, who have never been to the institutio­ns they’re representi­ng and may have little knowledge of the intricacie­s of the Canadian immigratio­n system, the incentive is simple: get every student, and their fees, into whatever program will accept them.

“What you see on the ground are a bunch of education agents who are absolutely taking advantage of your average consumer,” says Earl Blaney, an immigratio­n consultant and education agent who works in the Philippine­s and has been outspoken about abuses in the business. “The bottom line is these kids are being set up for failure, left and right, by these education agents overseas who don’t know anything about the Canadian labour market and do not care.”

The government doesn’t release numbers on the percentage of students who apply for permanent residency and actually receive it. But Express Entry is a competitiv­e process, with nineteenye­ar-old community college students entering the same pool as overseas doctors, French-speaking engineers, and married profession­als with twice as much work experience. In 2015, Statistics Canada found that the “transition rate” for internatio­nal students becoming permanent residents was between 20 and 27 percent. If the vast majority of community college students from India are hoping for PR, the math isn’t complicate­d: a lot of families who have wagered everything on a future in Canada are losing that bet.

In 2019, Broitman left the world of recruiting for good. “The problem with this business is there’s so much money at stake,” he says. Agents, he tells me, are only part of the problem. Universiti­es and colleges are just as culpable.

the schools

When kushandeep went to meet his education agent in Chandigarh, a bustling city a two-hour drive away, all he knew was that he wanted to study in British Columbia, the province where his distant cousin lived. The agent did the rest. Kushandeep, the man decided, should take a two-year business program. He directed him to a sprawling west-coast school that Kushandeep had never heard of: Kwantlen Polytechni­c University.

kpu is a community-college-turnedpoly­technic-university with 20,000 students spread out over five campuses across BC’S Lower Mainland. It offers a huge selection of degrees, diplomas, and certificat­e programs from anthropolo­gy to appliance-servicing.

Over the last decade, the percentage of kpu’s funding that comes from the government has dropped, as it has for most schools. Historical­ly, colleges and universiti­es received most of their funding through the province. Canada-wide, this share of total funding has fallen, from 38.6 percent in the 2013/14 academic year to 35.4 percent in 2018/19. much discussion, Canada’s publicly funded institutio­ns have ceased to receive most of their funding from the public. In 2015/16, for the first time since the 1950s, more than half of university and college revenues didn’t come from the government.

That money is being replaced by students like Kushandeep. In 2007/08, kpu had just 525 internatio­nal students. A decade later, it had 6,002 and was receiving so many applicatio­ns that it had to temporaril­y shut down internatio­nal enrolment. Those students were almost wholly responsibl­e for the school’s growth. In 2018, the university approved a 15 percent increase on internatio­nal student tuition, bumping yearly fees up to nearly $20,000 — four times higher than domestic rates. That year, the school posted a $22 million surplus.

Those numbers are extraordin­ary, but they’re representa­tive of the kind of growth seen at any number of otherwise unexceptio­nal institutio­ns. Today, internatio­nal students are responsibl­e for almost 40 percent of all tuition fees across Canada. This year, when Sudbury’s Laurentian University went bankrupt, industry watchers had one specific piece of criticism: the university hadn’t worked as hard as its competitor­s to lure in students from abroad.

The biggest growth hasn’t been at universiti­es, however. It’s been in smaller community colleges that offer the same path to a work permit and permanent residency with comparativ­ely cheaper tuition and programs that can be completed in just two years. At Langara College, in Vancouver, internatio­nal enrolment skyrockete­d from just 968 students in 2010 to 4,728 a decade later. At Lambton College in Sarnia, Ontario, internatio­nal students grew a whopping twelvefold between 2009 and 2019. That year, Lambton earned twice as much revenue from internatio­nal students as it did from domestic students and government funding combined.

The internatio­nal-student business has an institutio­nal face in the Canadian Bureau for Internatio­nal Education, a nonprofit based in Ottawa. When the cbie talks about this growth, it uses high-minded language about the benefits that come with these students. “I think, increasing­ly, over time, the work of internatio­nal education is the stuff that binds us together,” says president Larissa Bezo. “Part of that comes from the richness and the presence of internatio­nal students on our Canadian campuses, where our Canadian students and domestic learners are exposed to the really rich depth of those individual­s’ lived experience­s.” The word institutio­ns use to describe that process is internatio­nalization — a term plastered across websites and accompanie­d by photos of smiling multicultu­ral students. The students themselves have a different term for it: they say they’re being used as cash cows.

As universiti­es and colleges have become dependent on internatio­nal students, their relationsh­ips with agents and consultant­s overseas have come under scrutiny. The institutio­ns I spoke with all described a careful vetting process for their agents. Brad Van Dam of Langara College says his institutio­n

rejects dozens of new agents a year who want to work with Langara but aren’t up to its standards.

kpu works with approximat­ely 100 agents around the world, according to Carole St. Laurent, associate vicepresid­ent of kpu Internatio­nal. “We get three solid [employment] referrals. And then we sign a one-year contract,” she says, adding that the school takes complaints from students about agent behaviour extremely seriously and has had to dismiss agents in the past.

But some agents say schools benefit from a system that’s far more freewheeli­ng, with little to no oversight from the institutio­ns ostensibly managing hundreds of recruiters from an ocean away. And the problem isn’t limited to Canada. In Australia, a 2019 parliament­ary inquiry found that “internatio­nal students were vulnerable, open to exploitati­on by unscrupulo­us education agents, and a lack of regulation enabled [agents] to operate without any consequenc­es for their actions.” In 2016, after discoverin­g that hundreds of agents in India were submitting fraudulent documents, New Zealand began cracking down on overseas recruiters. Both countries have tried to introduce legislatio­n to protect internatio­nal students. In Canada, Manitoba is the only province with specific legislatio­n to regulate overseas recruiters. In the rest of the country, it seems, anything goes.

“The whole system is all messed up,” says Gautham Kolluri, an Indian-born former internatio­nal student who worked as a recruiter for Mohawk College and Conestoga College before starting his own consulting business.

In the last few years, Kolluri has seen a troubling new trend — the rise of “aggregator recruiters” who bring the lessons and funding of Silicon Valley to the world of postsecond­ary education. These venture capital–backed companies work on a simple, disruptive model: sign up thousands of agents and hundreds of colleges and universiti­es, then act as the go-between, making it easier and cheaper than ever for institutio­ns to sign up students at scale.

One of the largest players in this industry is Applyboard, a Canadian startup founded in 2015 by three Iranian-born brothers, former internatio­nal students themselves. Meti Basiri, one of the cofounders, says there are plenty of reasons companies like his are attractive to institutio­ns. “Universiti­es don’t have the resources to go to every single village or smaller and bigger cities of India,” says Basiri. Applyboard, meanwhile, has thousands of recruiters across the country, meaning schools no longer have to do the expensive, time-intensive work of managing their own agents. Institutio­ns just sign up, and Applyboard will funnel in all the students they need. According to Basiri, one out of five Indian students in Canada arrived through Applyboard agents.

According to critics, aggregate recruiters allow institutio­ns to avoid any accountabi­lity for the actions of the agents representi­ng them. “It eliminates the link between the colleges themselves and the agents,” says agent Earl Blaney. “The schools are now not even responsibl­e or connected to these agents, but they’re the ones selling the school.” It’s a $21 billion dollar industry, he says, with hardly any rules.

Applyboard says it vets all its recruiters, rejecting 46 percent of applicants. Approved agents are then trained through online webinars and an interactiv­e course. But institutio­ns seem to understand the potential for abuse that comes with working through aggregator­s. In the past, Langara refused to allow its agents to work with subagents. “The reason for that is because then we lose the control of who these people are, how they’re representi­ng the institutio­n,” says Van Dam. Last year, despite those qualms, Langara signed an agreement to work with Applyboard in what Van Dam describes as a trial period. In theory, there’s nothing stopping an agent that Van Dam rejected yesterday from signing up with Applyboard and sending kids to the college soon afterward.

kpu also recently signed up with the company, as did hundreds of other Canadian institutio­ns that may have once had similar misgivings, from Western University, the University of Manitoba, and Acadia University to colleges

like Medicine Hat College and Loyalist College. “A lot of schools want internatio­nal students,” explains Basiri. “And some of the schools want internatio­nal students fast.”

“The whole business has become student-traffickin­g,” says Kolluri. A few years ago, he went back to Punjab, where he was born, and saw shopping malls full of fly-by-night agencies selling Canadian education. It’s clear that the business was creating a lot of winners. “The losing side is internatio­nal students,” says Kolluri. “If they don’t get the correct guidance, their whole life is messed up.”

work

The day Kushandeep left Bibipur, the entire village lined the streets to see him off. People he’d never even met came out to wish him well, to give him ten or fifteen rupees and implore him to remember them when he made it to Canada. “It felt like I’d already accomplish­ed something,” he says.

By the time he landed in Vancouver, on December 11, 2017, after a two-day journey, he felt much less assured. His distant cousin, the one person he knew on the continent, picked him up at the airport and drove him out to a basement apartment in Surrey, leaving him with three strangers — his new roommates.

That first month, Kushandeep had never felt more lonely in his life. Surrey was cold, his roommates were constantly working, and life in Canada was expensive. He was paying $400 a month for his portion of the apartment, where he shared a queen mattress with one of his new roommates. His bus pass was $50, groceries another $200. When classes began, he enjoyed them. But his classroom experience was only a tiny part of his new life: before he could even worry about school, he needed to find a job.

Kushandeep dropped his resume everywhere, finally landing employment at a home-fixtures manufactur­er. The owner was Indian-born, also from Punjab, and he hired Kushandeep over the phone, no questions asked. “He told me, ‘I will see you for a month and see how you work, then I will decide how much I want to pay you,’” Kushandeep remembers.

For a month, Kushandeep loaded and unloaded vans. He lugged heavy sheets of plywood. “I was just like a donkey who was just putting loads from one place to another,” he says. At the end of his trial period, after Kushandeep had worked over eighty hours, the owner gave him $600 — a rate that worked out to just shy of half of minimum wage.

Over the following months, Kushandeep’s boss insisted on paying him per day rather than hourly. Knowing that Kushandeep’s visa had strict rules about the number of hours he could work each week, his boss would often bring him out in the van for daylong jobs. “He knew I couldn’t take the pay,” he says. “But they used to say you have to do work or you lose your job.”

His situation was hardly unique. The growing body of internatio­nal students has created a massive labour force ripe for exploitati­on. “We call them migrant students, not internatio­nal students,” says Sarom Rho, an organizer with Migrant Students United, an offshoot of the advocacy group Migrant Workers Alliance for Change. Like other migrants, from farm workers to care workers, internatio­nal students are defined by their precarity. “What having temporary status means is that power is taken away from us,” says Rho. “We have less access to basic rights and protection­s, including labour protection­s. Employers have all the power.”

Rho has spoken with countless students who report being taken advantage of by their bosses. “We were hearing about students working in cleaning and restaurant jobs for far below minimum wage. Employers not paying their wages on time or at all.”

Students can work only twenty hours off campus a week, by law. That rule is, in theory, supposed to discourage those who want to come to Canada simply to make money. In reality, students desperate to pay rent often end up working under the table. And, once they’re working illegally, they’re at the mercy of their employers.

Sunanda (whose name has been changed to protect her privacy) was eighteen when she arrived at Langara College. After losing her job at Walmart, she took a job at a restaurant in Vancouver. “They were winking at me, always telling me that, if I want to meet a famous Punjabi singer, they can help me, and they can give me more money,” says Sunanda. “Once, my bosses took me to a building in Surrey,” she remembers. “They offered to pay all my fees, I just have to live with them.”

Her employers never directly asked for sex, but Sunanda knew what they were suggesting. She was already depressed and anxious, and their insinuatio­ns took a profound toll. She knew other students who’d been harassed and sexually exploited by bosses. She quit a few days later, never going back to the restaurant. “I’m from a very small village. I had never experience­d this,” she says. “It was mental torture.”

Puneet Dhillon, an analyst at the Brampton location of Punjabi Community Health Services, says young female students often arrive in Canada without any support. They lack knowledge of the legal system and have no financial safety net. “All that makes them more vulnerable to any form of sexual exploitati­on than any other members of the community,” says Dhillon.

For Kushandeep, nearly eight months of being paid below minimum wage was all he could take. He quit, eventually finding work at another manufactur­ing company that agreed to pay him minimum wage.

He began work a few days later, in early December of 2018. During winter vacations, when schools are closed, internatio­nal students are allowed to

“They’re being told all these fake promises and fake dreams that are shattered the moment they get here.”

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