The Woolwich Observer

■ DYER: Truth and freedom are under attack by authoritar­ians bent on muzzling and prosecutin­g whistleblo­wers

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least suspected that terrible things were happening there, but without documentat­ion there was really nothing they could do about it. What Assange did was give them the evidence.

The most striking piece of evidence was a video and audio clip from an Apache helicopter gunship attacking civilians in Baghdad in 2007. The crew spray their targets with machine-gun fire, making comments like “It’s their fault for bringing their kids into battle” and “Oh yeah, look at those dead bastards.” They even target people in a vehicle that stops to help the wounded.

As for the claims of the U.S. authoritie­s that Assange has “blood on his hands” – that his 2010 data dump endangered the lives of some of those who were mentioned in the documents – there is not a shred of evidence that this is so. If anyone had come to harm over the past nine years as a result of his actions, don’t you think that the U.S. government would have trumpeted it to the skies?

The whistleblo­wers are among our last remaining checks on the contemptuo­us ease with which those who control the informatio­n seek to manipulate the rest of us. They should be praised, not punished.

So what are the chances that Julian Assange will escape extraditio­n to the United States and a lifetime in prison? His lawyers will doubtless argue that nobody was harmed as a result of his revelation­s (except perhaps in their reputation­s for truthfulne­ss) and that nobody profited by them. A British court might look unfavourab­ly on an extraditio­n request that is brought out of sheer vindictive­ness.

The story that Donald Trump contacted Assange through an intermedia­ry, former Congressma­n Dana Rohrabache­r, might also help. Trump was allegedly offering to pardon Assange if the Australian would confirm that it wasn’t the Russians who gave him the Hilary Clinton campaign emails he released during the 2016 election campaign.

This has all been denied by both Rohrabache­r and the Trump White House, but in carefully phrased ways that leave room for suspicion. Trump’s recent denial that he doesn’t know Rohrabache­r and never spoke to him is especially suspect, since he invited the man to the White House for a one-on-one in April 2017. British courts will not extradite if the request is politicall­y motivated. But Assange’s best chance probably lies elsewhere. During the seven years when he lived in Ecuador’s embassy in London as a political asylum-seeker, a Spanish security company called UC Global installed cameras in every corner of Assange’s space in the embassy and live-streamed every contact and conversati­on he had, including with his lawyers, directly to the U.S. Central Intelligen­ce Agency.

I don’t know how a British court will respond to that informatio­n, but I think I know how an American court would respond. That’s how Ellsberg got off in 1971: the government tapped his phone conversati­ons (and sent burglars to break into his psychiatri­st’s office and steal his file), so the judge dismissed the case because the government’s behaviour was outrageous and no fair trial was possible.

There will be many appeals, both in the UK and maybe later in the U.S., and Assange will not draw a free breath for a long time, if ever. But in the meantime, here’s one happy ending.

Edward Snowden couldn’t tell his girlfriend his plans before he left the U.S. and released his documents, because that would have made her his accomplice. She was angry at first, but she forgave him, married him in 2017, and lives with him in Russia.

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