Toronto Star

It’s dogs vs. locusts in Hong Kong-beijing feud

As many in territory feel stronger sense of identity, mainland government worries about disloyalty

- KELVIN CHAN ASSOCIATED PRESS

HONG KONG— The argument began over the seemingly minor offence of eating on the subway, which is banned in Hong Kong. A local commuter was outraged that a girl in a tour group from mainland China was spilling noodles onto the floor.

In a video clip that has gone viral, the commuter hits an emergency stop button to alert subway staff.

“I told them they can’t eat on the subway,” the man tells the subway worker who answers the call. “But then they yelled at me. Hey! This is Hong Kong!”

The commuter demands an apology from the girl’s mother. She refuses and the argument explodes, with both sides screaming at each other.

The quarrel, between two groups speaking mutually unintellig­ible di- alects of Chinese, isn’t just about manners. It also illustrate­s how — 15 years after this former British colony was handed back to China — Hong Kongers feel less Chinese and more an island unto themselves than ever as they face a growing influx of visitors from the mainland.

And that’s a headache for the political masters in Beijing, who are concerned about the threat of disloyalty in the semiautono­mous territory and are lashing out against the notion of a separate Hong Kong identity.

Other events also have highlighte­d the split between Hong Kongers and mainland visitors, who are frequently derided as “locusts” for their voracious buying of everything from apartments to luxury goods to baby formula.

A regular poll found the sense of Hong Kong identity surging. A flood of pregnant mainland women crossing into the city solely to give birth has strained tensions. A wellknown Beijing scholar turned up the heat by calling Hong Kongers “dogs” and “bastards.” Hong Kong, which returned to Chinese control in 1997 after more than 150 years as a British colony, is still a global financial centre. It’s also a special administra­tive region with Western-style rights and freedoms not seen in mainland China, most notably freedom of speech and the rule of law. Local councillor­s and half the legislatur­e are elected by voters while a pro-beijing committee chooses Hong Kong’s leader, though direct elections have been promised as early as 2017. Beijing’s fear is that if Hong Kong continues to have an excessivel­y vibrant culture of its own, it could prompt residents to press for a faster pace of democratiz­ation that could lead to a non-pro-beijing fig- ure elected as the city’s leader. “All this is anathema to the Chinese Communist Party,” said Willy Lam, a professor at Chinese University of Hong Kong. Chinese officials and pro-beijing papers have even lashed out at the top U.S. diplomat in Hong Kong as they fret about subversion. The papers accused U.S. Consul-general Stephen Young of supporting groups trying to break Hong Kong away from China. And a Beijing official based in the territory dismissed a Hong Kong University survey in December as “illogical” after it found that the number of people identifyin­g themselves as being Hong Kong citizens had hit a 10-year high while those identifyin­g themselves as Chinese citizens slumped to a 12year low. The attacks are signs Beijing is trying to stop Hong Kongers from clinging to their cultural, political and linguistic difference­s, Lam said. “Beijing is confident that since it controls the Hong Kong economy — and the loyalty of the great majority of Hong Kong business owners — it can afford to use apparently draconian measures to suppress what it regards as the inordinate expansion of Hong Kong identity,” he said.

Those measures include attempts to introduce Chinese patriotism lessons in schools, preventing dissidents from entering the city and using Hong Kong’s pro-beijing press to attack people or groups it deems unfriendly.

While Hong Kongers and mainlander­s are both ethnically Chinese, people in the city on the southern edge of China tend to look down on their mainland brethren as uncouth and uncultured.

What’s new is that many of the mainlander­s flooding into Hong Kong nowadays are now much wealthier — and their influence much greater — thanks to the country’s emergence as the world’s second-biggest economy.

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