Justin Trudeau’s platform still missing key planks
In a two-party election race, a challenger can let the incumbent defeat himself.
It has happened many times in Canadian history, especially when a longtenured prime minister is seeking reelection; the economy is weak; and the nation wants change.
But a three-party contest is different. Dislodging the incumbent is only half the task. To win, a challenger has to convince the electorate he has the best plan, the best team and the best grasp of what Canadians want.
That is what makes Justin Trudeau’s strategy so puzzling. The Liberal leader still hasn’t released key planks of his platform. He hasn’t shown Canadians he is a better choice than New Democratic Party Leader Thomas Mulcair. And mid-way through Week 3 of the campaign, he doesn’t appear to be in any rush to fill the gaps.
The policies he has unveiled — a shift in the tax burden from the middle class to the richest 1 per cent of the population; a child benefit targeted at families that need financial support; a non-partisan Senate; open, transparent government; a rebuilding of trust between Ottawa and First Nations; and a federal-provincial plan to shift to clean energy — stand up to scrutiny. But they don’t add up to a plan to govern. He has said nothing substantive about health care, affordable housing, early learning, immigration, human rights or poverty reduction. He has not unveiled his urban agenda. He has not told voters how he would align their tax dollars with their priorities.
It is not that Trudeau lacks policies. One of his first actions as party leader was to assign his shadow cabinet and talented Liberal outsiders to draft policy papers setting out what a Liberal government would do in all these areas. Two years later, they are all in hand.
He announced a spate of policies between May 1 and June 16 for which he won generally positive reviews. But at the end of June, he turned off the spigot. He has spent the summer — with a single exception — condemning Stephen Harper’s record, repeating his pledge to cut middle-class taxes and launching the odd broadside at Mulcair.
Last week in his only campaign commitment to date, he said a Liberal government would invest $2.6 billion in aboriginal education over four years (an elaboration of his earlier promise to close the inequality gap between First Nations and non-aboriginal Canadians).
Why hold back the rest of his platform? Why create the impression he has no plans to tackle poverty, fix Canada’s broken employment insurance system or simplify the nation’s loophole-ridden tax system? Why leave voters wondering if the Liberals know how to get Canadians working or keep medicare sustainable? Why offer no alternative to Otta- wa’s callous, discriminatory treatment of refugees? Why say nothing about military spending? Why withhold the blueprint for strong vibrant cities that former Toronto councillor and star recruit Adam Vaughan submitted to him months ago?
Not only does this slow-release tactic contradict Trudeau’s vow of openness, it detracts from what he has accomplished.
In two years he has rebuilt a shattered, demoralized party, filled its coffers and attracted impressive candidates. He has withstood a barrage of Tory attack ads. He has developed a clear focus and consistent message. Initially Trudeau’s advisers said he was keeping his platform under wraps so rivals couldn’t pick off his ideas. But there is little danger of that now. Harper’s record indicates where he stands on most issues. Mulcair released his platform months ago.
He might be saving the rest of his platform until more voters are paying attention. But the longer Trudeau waits, the more openings he gives his adversaries to portray him as a lightweight. Even an incautious phrase — “we can grow the economy from the heart outwards” — exposes him to mockery.
A more troubling possibility is that Trudeau thinks an incomplete platform will suffice, that he can rely on his charm, energy and progressive instincts to carry him to victory.
That might have worked before the NDP “orange wave” swept across the land. It is the wrong strategy now.
Not only does this slow-release tactic contradict Trudeau’s vow of openness, it detracts from his accomplishments
Carol Goar’s column appears Monday, Wednesday and Friday.