Toronto Star

Russell Brown doesn’t belong on the Supreme Court

- JOHN WHYTE

Just days before calling the federal election in early August, Prime Minister Stephen Harper named Russell Brown, an Alberta judge, to the Supreme Court of Canada. This appointmen­t pleased some judicial and political conservati­ves, but it was not a sterling choice.

As for his legal values, Russell Brown, through extensive blogging, has railed against Supreme Court decisions that have given substance to constituti­onal principles. He opposed protection­s that were granted under the Charter’s “principles of fundamenta­l justice,” such as the recognitio­n of a right to physician assistance in dying. He derided the Supreme Court for deciding that the extraditio­n of persons facing the possibilit­y of execution violates the Charter’s prohibitio­n against cruel punishment. He said the Supreme Court was wrong to answer constituti­onal questions relating to a province’s attempt to secede from Canada even though both national unity issues and the protection of interests during a process of dissolutio­n are establishe­d as valued court functions.

He has opposed constituti­onal interpreta­tions that would reflect the dynamism of social and political contexts or that promote underlying constituti­onal purposes; narrow interpreta­tions of constituti­onal texts shut out considerat­ion of contempora­ry values and conditions and rob a living document of vitality and relevance.

Politicall­y, he condemned the Canadian Bar Associatio­n for supporting Omar Khadr’s release from Guantanamo Bay and claimed that both the Bar Associatio­n and Chief Justice Beverley McLachlin have been motivated by hostility to Conservati­ve government more than fidelity to law. Until the very day of being named to the Supreme Court, he served as an adviser to a conservati­ve think tank that promotes constituti­onal protection for property rights and claims that affirmativ­e action in aid of disadvanta­ged minorities violates equality, both contrary to the Charter’s content. He has mocked the Anglican Church for political correctnes­s — a barely opaque attack on church reforms that promote equality for women and gay people.

He is a literalist, a libertaria­n and a conservati­ve. These match the legal and political values of the prime minister whose judicial nominating power is being used to establish judicial conservati­sm. Both Justice Brown’s views and the prime minister’s nomination­s can be seen as a normal and legitimate course for democratic will. In my view, this form of constituti­onalism adopts unsound legal theory, lacks liberality of interpreta­tion and defeats the idea of a common good. But this assessment does not demonstrat­e the impropriet­y of Brown’s appointmen­t.

There are, however, structural and procedural bases for questionin­g this appointmen­t. Justice Brown is the fourth Alberta jurist on the Court since there has last been a judge from Saskatchew­an. Even if the next appointee to the Court were from Saskatchew­an, the period of nonreprese­ntation from that province would be two-thirds of a century. By long practice, membership on the Supreme Court has been based on a pattern of rotation in order to promote the national legitimacy of the Court; the prime minister has overridden this vital practice in order to promote his political ideology.

Second, political constraint was violated when the appointmen­t was made right before an election. Although Justice Marshall Rothstein’s early retirement made possible the timing of this appointmen­t, who could believe there is any legitimacy in appointing a new judge to the Supreme Court — the constituti­onal structure for preserving government under law — on the eve of a national election, just as prime ministeria­l appointing powers expire and as Parliament­ary oversight evaporates?

Third, while attacks on political parties and policies, and on legal decisions, are open to virtually anyone, such partisansh­ip in judges violates judicial ethics. For two and a half years before he was named to the Supreme Court, Justice Brown was a member of Alberta’s superior court and, then, its appeal court, and was obliged to preserve his neutrality on questions of law and politics. The timing of his blogged rants is not clear — they have disappeare­d from the Internet — one hopes and assumes this practice stopped at the time of his initial judicial appointmen­t.

However, his role as adviser to the Justice Centre for Constituti­onal Freedom, an organizati­on that advances conservati­ve positions that often are inconsiste­nt with the terms of the constituti­on and with decided cases, continued all the time that he was a judge in Alberta’s courts. While promotion by a judge of constituti­onal positions that are contrary to the Charter’s terms, and to judicial decisions made under it, is not a clear indication of how cases would be decided, suspicions of predisposi­tion and questions of judicial decorum most certainly arise.

This appointmen­t advanced the politiciza­tion of Canada’s judiciary and it erodes confidence in the Supreme Court’s neutrality.

Russell Brown has railed against Supreme Court decisions that have given substance to constituti­onal principles

 ??  ?? John Whyte is professor emeritus in the faculty of law at Queen’s University.
John Whyte is professor emeritus in the faculty of law at Queen’s University.
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