Toronto Star

DIGITAL DEFENDERS

After high-profile attacks, cyberdefen­ce contractor­s are making massive profits

- DREW HARWELL

High-profile breaches have meant increased business for cybersecur­ity firms,

When the Democratic National Committee discovered in April that its computer networks had been hacked, leaders there did not just alert government intelligen­ce. They called CrowdStrik­e, a five-year-old cybersecur­ity firm that makes millions from mercenary work sold with a promise: “We Stop Breaches.”

Last month, the contractor revealed what it had found: Two Russian intelligen­ce groups, codenamed Cozy Bear and Fancy Bear, had spearheade­d competing hacks over the last year using a barrage of malicious “implants” and “backdoors.” CrowdStrik­e’s experts knew the hackers well: They’d also recently infiltrate­d the White House, State Department and Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Their weapon of choice: The cybersecur­ity equivalent of “a neighbourh­ood watch program on steroids,” said CrowdStrik­e co-founder George Kurtz. That same offering has helped them turn their young business into a juggernaut, with sales of $100 million (U.S.) this year.

“Our clients now include the crème de la crème of companies,” said Kurtz, a former chief technology officer of antivirus giant McAfee. “From a growth perspectiv­e, it’s just been explosive.”

CrowdStrik­e is one soldier in a very new kind of army: private cyberdefen­ce contractor­s. Their skill in fending off and eradicatin­g hacks has become increasing­ly prized at the top echelons of business following the crippling attacks on Target, insurance giant Anthem and Sony Pictures — the first time a foreign gov- ernment targeted a U.S. company.

As payback for a movie poking fun at North Korea’s supreme leader, state-sponsored hackers stole the studio’s employee records, trade secrets and unfinished movies; shared embarrassi­ng internal emails; and wiped thousands of computers and servers.

But the cyberdefen­ce firms are also increasing­ly being called in to shield quasi-government­al agencies such as the DNC and think tanks, which the company said are “highly targeted” by hackers aligned with nations such as Russia, China and Iran due to their stables of prominent experts and activists.

For companies such as CrowdStrik­e, the new age of informatio­n warfare — and the ensuing climate of fear — has led to a flood of cash. Analysts at research firm Gartner say the security software market climbed to $22 billion last year, with sales growing by $1 billion for three straight years. The growing business has also led to fierce competitio­n in the cybersecur­ity industry, including with companies such as Cylance, ThreatConn­ect and Palantir.

CrowdStrik­e said it would not share its client list or details of financial performanc­e, but said it now works with three of the world’s 10 largest companies and five of the world’s 10 largest banks.

Their battlefiel­d was made centre stage on Wednesday, when Republican presidenti­al candidate Donald Trump encouraged the Russian government to infiltrate and distribute private emails from his Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton, a former Secretary of State.

“Russia, if you’re listening, I hope you’re able to find the 30,000 emails that are missing. I think you will probably be rewarded mightily by our press,” Trump said during a press conference.

“It gives me no pause. If they have them, they have them,” Trump said later, when asked if his comments were inappropri­ate. “If Russia, or China, or any other country has those emails, I mean, to be honest with you, I’d love to see them.” Trump’s comments came amid an FBI investigat­ion into whether Russian state actors were responsibl­e for stealing emails from inside DNC computers and distributi­ng them ahead of the party’s convention, a politicall­y damaging move that forced the resignatio­n of DNC Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz and could affect the election.

The DNC first alerted CrowdStrik­e of their breach in April, and within 24 hours a threat-analyst team installed software on DNC computers to examine the attack. The firm’s report tying Russian intelligen­ce to the hack has since been supported by other watchdogs, such as Fidelis Cybersecur­ity and Mandiant, and discussed as evidence in government officials’ intelligen­ce briefings.

CrowdStrik­e’s report detailed the dossiers of the rival intelligen­ce groups — units of the FSB, Russia’s state security agency, and the GRU, its foreign intelligen­ce directorat­e — and outlined the malicious code the hackers had implanted, marked by telltale “indicators of compromise.” Dmitri Alperovitc­h, the firm’s cofounder, also warned that “attacks against electoral candidates and the parties they represent are likely to continue up until the election in November.”

“Our team considers them some of the best adversarie­s out of all the numerous nation-state, criminal and hacktivist/terrorist groups we encounter on a daily basis,” Alperovitc­h wrote in a “From the Front Lines” report last month, entitled, “Bears in the Midst.” “Their tradecraft is superb.”

CrowdStrik­e actively tracks 80 global “threat-actor” groups, including Cozy Bear, that specialize in three tiers of modern cyberattac­ks: cashseekin­g “e-crime,” cause-centric “hacktivism” and nation-state hacks engineered for political warfare or espionage.

Military terminolog­y is rampant in CrowdStrik­e’s business model: Falcon Overwatch, the firm’s “24/7 global team of expert adversary hunters,” is named after the battlefiel­d tactic of supporting allies by scouting and sniping enemies.

“As a company, we do have a strong mission focus, which is really protecting our customers from the adversary,” Kurtz said. “When you have a purpose, which is to fight the bad guy, people take that very seriously.

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 ?? ALEX BRANDON/THE ASSOCIATED PRESS ?? Sophistica­ted hackers linked to Russian intelligen­ce services broke into the Democratic National Committee’s computer networks and gained access to confidenti­al emails, chats and opposition research.
ALEX BRANDON/THE ASSOCIATED PRESS Sophistica­ted hackers linked to Russian intelligen­ce services broke into the Democratic National Committee’s computer networks and gained access to confidenti­al emails, chats and opposition research.

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