Toronto Star

What if Trump never concedes?

Republican nominee insists election ‘rigged’ in speeches

- ALEXANDER PANETTA

WASHINGTON— When Scott Farris wrote a book on the legacy of U.S. presidenti­al-election losers, he began with a chapter paying tribute to the concession speech — that moment of grace that greases the engine of self-government.

“It’s one of the things that makes American democracy work,” said Scott Farris, author of Almost President: The Men Who Lost the Race But Changed the Nation. “Our democracy’s a bit more fragile than we think.

“It wouldn’t take a lot to really put the country in turmoil, if people thought the election was completely illegitima­te.”

His book starts with John McCain, cooling an upset crowd after a heated campaign. People at 2008 rallies had screamed of Barack Obama, “Kill him!” and “terrorist!” McCain silenced boos on election night, by hailing the election of the United States’ first black president. Farris’s book profiles other history-shaping losers such as William Jennings Bryan, Thomas Dewey and Barry Goldwater. Now Farris wonders whether this year’s events will prompt him to update the book. He’s slightly worried. What alarms him is how this year’s loser might potentiall­y shape history: By refusing to concede.

Donald Trump has ridiculed concession speeches as phoney. Lately, he’s been more into resentment speeches. He’s travelling the country telling Americans their democracy is a sham. Trump warns of elections being fixed by financial elites, the media, illegal immigrants, and crooked Democrats: “The election is rigged. It’s rigged like you’ve never seen before.”

Democrats say if anyone’s cheating, it’s the other party. It’s primarily Republican­s packing minority voters into gerrymande­red districts; stripping ex-felons of voting rights; and passing ID laws that disproport­ionately hurt youth and minorities.

Yet Trump’s message is another blast of distrust, blowing into a perfect storm.

U.S. voters are divided into two deeply polarized camps. Among those with a favourable opinion of Trump, half told an Associated Press poll they have little or no confidence in this election result.

Trust in institutio­ns is at historic lows. Gallup polling finds it for members of Congress, the media, the justice system, public schools — the number of people who profess “a great deal,” or, “quite a lot,” of trust in them ranges between 9 and 30 per cent. Only the military holds steady above 70 per cent.

Attempts have been made to hack into voter databases in several states — Illinois, Arizona and Florida have reported such attempts. State officials downplay these concerns — voting machines themselves aren’t connected to the Internet.

But if there are flickers of distrust, a major party nominee is now fanning them.

“He’s already (telling people) this was a fraud, that they got screwed,” Farris said. “That means Secretary Clinton, if she is the next president, is going to have some legitimacy issues in some people’s minds. They’ll think she stole the election. Potentiall­y that could be the most destructiv­e thing Trump does — to be a bad loser.”

Scholars studying this issue say they’re not worried — yet. Three political scientists who research trust in political institutio­ns say it’s a troubling, but likely limited, trend.

The margin of defeat is a factor, one says. Trump won’t persuade many people that he was robbed if he suffers a solid, multi-state drubbing — which, according to recent polls, is a possibilit­y.

“If the election was close, it might be a problem. It does not appear that it’s going to be close,” said Marc Hetheringt­on, a Vanderbilt University political scientist and co-author of How Trust Matters. His book traces declining trust since the 1960s.

“He’s already (telling people) this was a fraud, that they got screwed.” SCOTT FARRIS AUTHOR

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