Toronto Star

Why UN peacekeepi­ng is worth the risks

- PEGGY MASON

Pages of newspaper ink are being spilled to highlight the risks in any of the UN peacekeepi­ng missions Canada might be considerin­g — from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Mali to the Central African Republic. What has been missing from all the commentary and government pronouncem­ents, though, is a coherent argument for why UN peacekeepi­ng is a job worth the all-too-evident dangers.

This is too bad because there are solid reasons for Canada to re-engage. While UN peacekeepi­ng is no miracle cure and there are no guarantees of success, when done right and properly mandated and resourced, UN peacekeepi­ng offers the best chance for a society emerging from violent conflict.

Peacekeepi­ng is the front end of a complex, long-term process of helping conflictin­g parties create the necessary conditions — political, socio-economic, security — for sustainabl­e peace.

At the centre of this effort is the peace process. Complex political problems always lie at the heart of violent conflict and require political solutions that are negotiated and agreed to by the parties.

Acapable security force will be essential in both the peace negotiatio­n and implementa­tion phases, but it is a supporting element of the overall mission nonetheles­s.

As the Afghanista­n debacle has so dramatical­ly and tragically illustrate­d, no amount of military “robustness” and profession­alism on the part of internatio­nal military forces can make up for the lack of a credible peace process.

The statistica­l evidence is also clear: looking at all past wars of the last quartercen­tury, only15 per cent have ended decisively on the battlefiel­d, and in these cases the rebels prevailed at least as often as the government­s they fought. All the rest ultimately had to be settled at the negotiatin­g table.

Precisely because of the primacy of the peace process, today’s multi-dimensiona­l UN peace operations — which involve military, police and civilian contingent­s — are much more than military operations charged with providing a safe and secure environmen­t.

Their civilian components are mandated to facilitate the peace process, promote the rule of law, and support the establishm­ent of legitimate and effective institutio­ns of governance.

Increasing­ly mandates, like that for MINUSMA in Mali, also include security assistance to the transition­al government so it can reassert its authority nationwide.

This military assistance is in concert with support for national political dialogue and reconcilia­tion efforts.

For a collective enterprise of this magnitude to succeed — as UN peacekeepi­ng does more often than not — the internatio­nal effort must be perceived as legitimate and impartial. And it must have the broadest possible internatio­nal support within a coherent legal and operationa­l framework.

Only the UN Security Council can mandate such an operation and only the UN Organizati­on can lead the mission if it is to be internatio­nally acceptable. Headed by a civilian in the role of Special Representa­tive of the UN Secretary General, with all the other components, including the military and police, reporting to him or her, the very structure of the UN peacekeepi­ng mission reflects the centrality of the peace process.

This stands in sharp contrast to NATOled military missions, even where authorized by the UNSC to assist in stabilizin­g a conflict.

NATO-led stability operations lack the perceived legitimacy and impartiali­ty of UN-led operations precisely because their political and military leaders are seen to represent a very specific set of powerful countries and interests. Not only does this undermine coherence in the internatio­nal effort; it also constitute­s a gift to spoilers on the ground decrying alleged “foreign occupation.”

An integrated mission under the overall authority of the SRSG also allows UN command and control to be decentrali­zed to the operationa­l level. This contrasts with the centralize­d, top-heavy and opaque command structure operating in NATO.

Many current UN missions may have comprehens­ive mandates to build sustainabl­e peace but they manifestly lack the profession­al forces and equipment to do the job. That’s a major concern. Re-engagement by Canada and other Western countries is therefore long overdue and welcome. This is why 10 leading civil society organizati­ons in their submission to the Defence Policy Review, entitled “A Shift to Sustainabl­e Peace and Common Security,” call on Canada to make UN peacekeepi­ng a Canadian defence priority.

But they also caution that specialize­d interdisci­plinary peacekeepi­ng training for Canadian forces, particular­ly commanders and their staff, is an indispensa­ble preconditi­on if there is to be effective Canadian engagement.

 ??  ?? Peggy Mason is president of the Rideau Institute and a former Canadian ambassador for disarmamen­t to the UN, with over 20 years of experience in peacekeepi­ng training.
Peggy Mason is president of the Rideau Institute and a former Canadian ambassador for disarmamen­t to the UN, with over 20 years of experience in peacekeepi­ng training.

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