Toronto Star

CIA report linked Putin to election sabotage

Obama administra­tion wrestled with how to react to unpreceden­ted attack

- GREG MILLER, ELLEN NAKASHIMA AND ADAM ENTOUS THE WASHINGTON POST

WASHINGTON— Early last August, an envelope with extraordin­ary handling restrictio­ns arrived at the White House. Sent by courier from the CIA, it carried “eyes only” instructio­ns that its contents be shown to just four people: then president Barack Obama and three senior aides.

Inside was an intelligen­ce bombshell, a report drawn from sourcing deep inside the Russian government that detailed Russian President Vladimir Putin’s direct involvemen­t in a cyber campaign to disrupt and dis- credit the U.S. presidenti­al race.

But it went further. The intelligen­ce captured Putin’s specific instructio­ns on the operation’s audacious objectives — defeat or at least damage the Democratic nominee, Hillary Clinton, and help elect her opponent, Donald Trump.

At that point, the outlines of the Russian assault on the U.S. election were increasing­ly apparent. Hackers with ties to Russian intelligen­ce services had been rummaging through Democratic Party computer networks, as well as some Republican systems, for more than a year. In July, the FBI had opened an investigat­ion of contacts between Russian officials and Trump associates. And on July 22, nearly 20,000 emails stolen from the Democratic National Committee were dumped online by WikiLeaks.

But at the highest levels of government, among those responsibl­e for managing the crisis, the first moment of true foreboding about Russia’s intentions arrived with that CIA intelligen­ce.

It took time for other parts of the intelligen­ce community to endorse the CIA’s view. Only in the administra­tion’s final weeks in office did it tell the public, in a declassifi­ed report, what officials had learned from CIA director John Brennan in August — that Putin was working to elect Trump.

Over that five-month interval, the Obama administra­tion secretly debated dozens of options for deterring or punishing Russia, including cyberattac­ks on Russian infrastruc­ture, the release of CIA-gathered material that might embarrass Putin and sanctions that officials said could “crater” the Russian economy.

But in late December, Obama approved a modest package combining measures that had been drawn up to punish Russia for other issues — expulsions of 35 diplomats and the closure of two Russian compounds — with economic sanctions so narrowly targeted that even those who helped design them describe their impact as largely symbolic.

Obama also approved a previously undisclose­d covert measure that authorized planting cyber weapons in Russia’s infrastruc­ture. The project, which Obama approved in a covertacti­on finding, was still in its planning stages when Obama left office. It would be up to President Trump to decide whether to use the capability.

Those closest to Obama defend the administra­tion’s response to Russia’s meddling. They believe that a series of warnings — including one that Obama delivered to Putin in September — prompted Moscow to abandon any plans of further aggression, such as sabotage of U.S. voting systems.

Some administra­tion officials look back on the Russia period with remorse.

“It is the hardest thing about my entire time in government to defend,” said a former senior Obama administra­tion official involved in White House deliberati­ons on Russia. “I feel like we sort of choked.”

Trump has shown no inclinatio­n to revisit the matter and has denied any collusion or obstructio­n on his part. As a result, the expulsions and modest sanctions announced by Obama on Dec. 29 continue to stand as the United States’ most forceful response.

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