Toronto Star

Canada must expand beyond Trump’s America

- IRVIN STUDIN Irvin Studin is president of the Institute for 21st Century Questions and editor-in-chief and publisher of Global Brief magazine.

In the matter of one Donald J. Trump, Canada is faced with two wicked paradoxes. First, we must renegotiat­e NAFTA with a president who may not last four full years, or even another 12 months. Second, we must parry the political tumult of Washington at the same time as we diversify away from our American brethren in order to better think for ourselves and carve our own path.

How have we managed these paradoxes thus far? Answer: We’ve done so well in implementi­ng a full-court press in the American theatre that we’re at great risk of missing the boat entirely on the longer-term imperative of making Canada a real difference-maker, not in bilateral relations with the U.S., but in the human condition globally.

Consider the many current and potential conflicts in the world today, from the Middle East to Africa, the Americas, Eastern Europe, Northeast Asia, South Asia and Central Asia. With all the global goodwill our country enjoys at this moment, how can it be that we do not lead a single peace process or table in any part of the world?

The new French president, Emmanuel Macron, young enough to be my student, has already insinuated himself, perhaps with outsized audacity, into peacemakin­g roles in Libya and Ukraine and between Israel and the Palestinia­ns. If he overshoots, then we are surely undershoot­ing.

Making a difference beyond our borders requires resources, relationsh­ips and planning. It takes time. But most of all it requires of us our own strategic imaginatio­n and vocabulary.

For now, these are still largely absent. For just as we proclaim to be laying the foundation for a post-American future, we are, given the number of official political and policy-maker visits made to the U.S. over the last year, arguably more immersed than ever in the American reality.

And this, if we are honest with ourselves, is probably our comfort zone, for it is a reality that we know better than all other countries, and one in which we’ve invested a great deal. Most of the Canadian school of internatio­nal relations is, self-consciousl­y, a school of Canada-U.S. relations, full stop.

And yet we must know that if Trump is today’s American “thesis,” then his “antithesis” in the coming year or years will be equally unstable and possibly also extreme, with no stabilizin­g American “synthesis” in sight. It would be foolish, then, to presume that things in America will calm down or “normalize” when Trump makes his exit, and foolhardy to believe that the world will not have been further destabiliz­ed, including possibly in nuclear terms, by the time he does make his exit.

But how can we think and act for ourselves if we continue to rely on our brilliant and at once mad American brethren — their media, their academy, their companies and, yes, their political leaders — to supply the basic terms and framework for our thoughts and actions (even as we proclaim to be making a clean break)?

Answer: like the Fathers of Confederat­ion 150 years ago, we must be extremely hard-headed in asserting a different framework for our national and internatio­nal behaviour, and, without resorting to their fancies of moral superiorit­y vis-à-vis the Americans (for we manifestly are not), we must think big and place some big bets (presuming that some of these will pay off over time).

Start with the travel of the prime minister, foreign minister and federal cabinet. It is not the circuit travel to regular internatio­nal summits and conference­s that matters for purposes of getting Canada ahead, but rather the off-circuit travel that counts. Outside of the U.S. and the familiar West, Canada has very underdevel­oped relationsh­ips, embassy presence and, consequent­ly, clout in too many parts of the world. Let’s get cracking in building up our world networks in the national interest.

In foreign intelligen­ce, Canada’s capabiliti­es remain exceedingl­y limited and excessivel­y beholden to American assets, analytics and, most dangerousl­y today, American judgment. This can no longer stand. Whether we do it quietly or publicly, it is time to invest in world-class capabiliti­es, on our own terms and according to our own objectives and mental map.

Finally, returning to the multiple conflicts burning and brewing on our planet. We must pick a conflict — indeed, any conflict. And let’s lead the internatio­nal charge to solve it. If not us, then who? If not now, then when?

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