Toronto Star

Canada was Trump’s dry run for China

- Heather Scoffield Twitter: @hscoffield

Playing chicken, gaslightin­g, and nasty, foreshadow­ing tweets — Canada’s experience with White House trade negotiatio­ns may be a distant memory now, but those recollecti­ons could prove useful during these days of U.S.-China brinksmans­hip.

As markets oscillate wildly, lurching from tweet to tweet, Canada has been there, done that, and can perhaps take a less panicked view of the trade war that’s turning the global economy upside down.

Of course, the U.S.-Canada relationsh­ip is different than the U. S-China relationsh­ip, but we were a dry run for the protection­ist president. If there were a handbook on how Donald Trump’s White House handles trade negotiatio­ns, Canada’s experience would be a case study in many tactics.

Some of the points the handbook would make:

Playing chicken: Trump’s team has a penchant for issuing threats to win concession­s. In the NAFTA talks, Canada and Mexico negotiated for many months with aluminum and steel tariffs in place, and the threat of auto tariffs hanging over them. With China, Trump has steadily and dramatical­ly increased tariffs on Chinese imports, with more in the offing. Even when the other side hits back, the United States has persisted.

For Canada, the biggest threat was Trump’s declaratio­n that NAFTA was the worst trade deal ever and that he wanted to tear it up — a threat that undermined confidence and investment in Canada’s economy for months on end. Such a threat is emptier with China, which is not as dependent on U.S. trade as Canada is. But the goal of the threats is the same.

Trade lawyer Mark Warner points out that Trump informed us all of this approach in his book The Art of the Deal. He takes extreme positions, forces a compromise and then claims victory of sorts. “That’s his style.”

Gaslightin­g: This term describes repeated lying by one person that causes another person to question their own experience of reality. It’s psychologi­cal manipulati­on to gain power. Brett House, Scotiabank’s deputy chief economist, applies the term to Trump’s trade tactics.

For Canada, it was the perception of Canada being a dirty player that heavily penalized American farmers and consumers and took the United States for granted. For China, it’s Trump’s repeated suggestion­s that the mounting tariffs are great for Americans — despite mounting signs that U.S. importers are passing along the costs to their buyers. In both cases, Trump aims to keep the U.S. public onside while destabiliz­ing his adversarie­s.

“Trump is still gaslightin­g America,” House says.

Talking past each other: At the height of the NAFTA talks, Canada had three levels of negotiatio­ns at once, argues Laura Dawson, director of the Canada Institute in Washington. There were the nitty-gritty talks, with technocrat­s who were traditiona­l, meticulous and made sense to the Canadian team. There was the lobbying of the business community, which was pro-free trade and wanted to have the certainty of a solid agreement. And then there was the White House, which intervened sporadical­ly and unpredicta­bly, trumping — sorry for the pun — everyone else’s talks.

China is dealing with a similar dynamic, although in this case, the White House is even more deeply engaged. And that involvemen­t breeds huge amounts of market volatility, since investors are never quite sure where Trump will push the talks.

“It may very well be that he likes the drama,” Dawson says.

Managed trade: The bestcase result for both Canada and China is arriving at some kind of a managed-trade agreement with the U.S., a statement that rings true for many of the Americans’ trading partners, says Sarah Goldfeder at Earnscliff­e Strategy Group.

In Canada’s case, concession­s on dairy and rules of origin for the auto sector are prime examples of placing limits on the amount of cross-border trade in order to call victory. And Canada’s agreeing to quotas for steel and aluminum is probably the only way out of that tariff conflict with the U.S.

When it comes to China, made-in-China is just as popular as Trump’s Buy America agenda. If the sides are able to reach agreement, managed trade will likely figure prominentl­y, Goldfeder says. “We are not going back to open trade.”

The end: It’s not over until it’s over. No one on any side of these trade negotiatio­ns trusts anyone and won’t take anything to the bank until papers are signed by leaders and passed by government­s. Canada and Mexico were so close so many times and yet no new NAFTA has been applied. Punitive tariffs on aluminum and steel are still in place. When it comes to China, the U.S. wasn’t sure enough about vague commitment­s on intellectu­al property to call it a deal.

And so the volatility persists — as Canadians well know and are learning to take in stride.

 ?? TOM BRENNER THE NEW YORK TIMES ?? Trade lawyer Mark Warner points out that U.S. President Donald Trump takes extreme positions, forces a compromise and then claims victory of sorts. “That’s his style.”
TOM BRENNER THE NEW YORK TIMES Trade lawyer Mark Warner points out that U.S. President Donald Trump takes extreme positions, forces a compromise and then claims victory of sorts. “That’s his style.”
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