Toronto Star

Conservati­ves feel heat on climate change

- Robin V. Sears Robin V. Sears is a principal at Earnscliff­e Strategy Group and was an NDP strategist for 20 years. He is a freelance contributi­ng columnist for the Star. Follow him on Twitter: @robinvsear­s

A few days ago, Lisa Raitt made a serious blunder. For no obvious reason, she decided to attack Prime Minister Justin Trudeau by saying there was no clear link between extreme weather and climate change.

Thousands of angry tweets later, she took down her provocativ­e post. It’s not clear whether this will mean temporary damage for the usually thoughtful and profession­al deputy leader of the Conservati­ves — or something more permanent.

Every couple of decades, a cause arises that seizes younger voters. In the 1960s and ’70s, it was sexual liberation and civil rights; in the ’80s and ’90s, it was nuclear disarmamen­t, gay marriage and apartheid. A decade ago, it was antiglobal­ization, anti-1 percenters. Today, it is #MeToo. For the decade ahead, it appears certain to be the climate crisis.

Interestin­gly, in response to each one of these groundswel­ls, traditiona­l politician­s — especially on the right — made serious gaffes. It is tempting to chuckle how wrong-footed politician­s were about arms control, AIDs, Mandela, equal marriage and on and on — except that it was painful at the time to those they dismissed.

Although they could claim green credential­s in their very name, Conservati­ves today still don’t seem to get it about climate.

They have slowly shifted away from pure climate denial, to an anti-carbon pricing message. They have moved from laughing at renewable energy to supporting a fossil fuel transition — just not right now.

This is a tough issue to get right, admittedly. Even Elizabeth May got into a dust-up with her own Quebec activists for her position on oilsands refining. A vicious Twitter battle raged last week provoking division among Greens on their very core values.

Trudeau is being hammered on his tanker ban — “dangerous tankers” are OK off the Cape Breton coast, but not B.C.’s Sunshine Coast. Why? Jagmeet Singh wobbled and then corrected course on LNG. But compared to Andrew Scheer, Jason Kenney, Doug Ford and now Raitt, these leaders look like deep green climate warriors.

The political damage that conservati­ves did to themselves globally on environmen­tal policy decades ago haunts them today.

They gave birth to Green politics in Europe, Australia and now Canada. The internet is awash in embarrassi­ng quotes from their leaders like “Global temperatur­es go up and then they go down, so what?”

With the rare exception of a Brian Mulroney or a Peter Lougheed, the environmen­tal track record of Canadian conservati­ves is not pretty, either. Look up Mike Harris on global warming if you want a mordant chuckle. Scheer must now walk a terrifying razor blade on climate. Without greater climate credibilit­y among young Torontonia­ns, Montrealer­s and Vancouveri­tes, he will lose.

Pushing too hard on his new-found conviction about carbon, he runs into three angry Conservati­ve premiers in his heartland, each of whom is in various stages of denial about pricing carbon. He will give a major environmen­tal policy speech in a few days’ time. One may safely predict he will take bullets from all sides of the debate no matter what he says.

But every politician — including Green ones — should make no mistake, authentica­lly articulati­ng a credible path on climate will become the determinan­t of victory or defeat. Veer to hard green at the expense of jobs and fiscal impact, you die. Veer to soft compromise and delay, you’re also done.

Liberals and New Democrats must make the case that a resource-based economy is a heavy carbon emitting economy. Reducing emissions through electrific­ation of the oilsands, pushing zero-emission vehicles by law and, yes, increasing carbon taxation rapidly are essentials — creating good jobs while we do it is, too.

Not easy. For Canadian conservati­ves, this will be a credibilit­y challenge as hard as race is for American conservati­ves. If I were Conservati­ve strategist my calculus would be: “We can afford to irritate Kenney and Ford with a tough, creative, market-focused green agenda. Where else are their voters going to go? We can’t afford to lose the voters who demand proof of our new seriousnes­s on climate. That way lies certain defeat.”

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