Toronto Star

Leave it to provinces, cities and agencies NO

- BENJAMIN DACHIS JEREMY KRONICK Benjamin Dachis is director of public affairs and Jeremy Kronick is associate director, research at the C.D. Howe Institute.

The major political parties have put out plans to deal with the housing market crises in Canada’s cities. The focus is on affordabil­ity: how to make home ownership easier for Canadians currently priced out of the housing market. But is there much the federal government can do? Unfortunat­ely, the answer is no, with most levers – especially those that will encourage more supply – at lower levels of government.

First, let’s understand the constraint on affordabil­ity. The amount Canadians pay for their mortgages out of their disposable income is roughly the same as 30 years ago. However, with house prices skyrocketi­ng, fuelled by low interest rates, the constraint to home ownership is getting the necessary down payment.

What measures does Ottawa have control over? Will they even work?

One often-touted idea is a capitalgai­ns tax on the sale of principal residences, the theory being this will slow demand for houses and condos. While demand might fall, so, too, will supply coming to market. Why? Knowing a sale will trigger a huge tax bill, people will hold onto their homes for longer. Many seniors looking to downsize will stay in their homes, shutting out young families. Thus, the impact of federal tax changes on affordabil­ity is unclear.

One idea hard on the campaign trail is lowering Canada Housing and Mortgage Corporatio­n (CMHC) mortgage insurance premiums. These premiums cover the risk taxpayers take on.

Another campaign idea is loosening the stress test run by the Office of the Superinten­dent of Financial Regulation­s (OSFI). The stress test ensures borrowers could afford their mortgages if interest rates were to rise.

Yes, these measures might help some get over the affordabil­ity threshold. However, they set a bad precedent of government­s interferin­g with Crown corporatio­ns and regulatory authoritie­s that are supposed to operate at arm’s length. The non-elected officials at these organizati­ons have set insurance premiums and stress tests to ensure the stability of our financial system – that is their mandate. So, in the name of improved affordabil­ity, any loosening is going to increase taxpayer or financial system risk. Not a good tradeoff.

Lastly, low interest rates increase house prices. There is no way around that. And the federal government has no control over interest rates. That is the job of the Bank of Canada.

What all this means is that federal levers mostly increase demand, and, critically, prices. They will either be ineffectiv­e, will go against basic principles of our Crown corporatio­ns and regulatory authoritie­s operating at arm’s length, or are a product of the economic environmen­t we live in.

Is there a role for Ottawa?

The crux of the debate has been a lack of supply. But local politics still work against real measures to increase supply and have created restrictio­ns on developmen­t that add enormously to the cost of housing. Local council members depend on local votes. And local voters usually oppose new constructi­on.

Ottawa could require an expedited approval process for areas that benefit from federal infrastruc­ture grants. Toronto, for example, is way behind the rest of the world in permit delays. Local government­s need to change their practices to expedite developmen­t, and this goes beyond where new part-federally financed transit goes.

For example, Ontario has an off-theshelf tool to expedite developmen­t. It needs to make the final call on whether to use it. The federal government can only prod them to do so. The province also needs to enforce its own policies that cities approve enough homes to accommodat­e growth.

Cities also levy large upfront developmen­t fees. The result is higher housing prices. Cities should not make buyers pay upfront for infrastruc­ture, like water, and instead pay costs over time as they use it. Cities also need to move away from paper-based developmen­t approvals and toward e-permitting.

Provincial and Toronto Land Transfer Tax cuts will help affordabil­ity. These taxes are like capital gains taxes, keeping people from selling and reducing supply. Our federal parties are right to want to improve affordabil­ity. But, the reality is that the balance of power belongs to the cities and provinces. Time for them to step up.

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