Toronto Star

Two Prairie provinces, twin health crises

How did Saskatchew­an, Alberta become Canada’s worst for COVID-19?

- KIERAN LEAVITT

EDMONTON — It was a scene plastered to social media with obvious intent.

Alberta Premier Jason Kenney stands at a podium, locked in a handshake with his Saskatchew­an counterpar­t, Scott Moe.

The picture appeared in a July tweet from Kenney with the caption, “Congratula­tions to my friend @PremierSco­ttMoe and all of our neighbours in Saskatchew­an on lifting their pandemic health restrictio­ns and kicking off a #GreatSKSum­mer. … Once again, the prairies are showing the rest of Canada how it’s done!”

It was a celebratio­n, of sorts, for the two Prairie provinces — Alberta swaggered into the summer as it lifted nearly all its public health restrictio­ns on Canada Day, opening its economy and seemingly viewing the end of the pandemic within its sights. Ten days later, Saskatchew­an did the same.

Seventy-eight days later, the neighbouri­ng provinces have found themselves hand-inhand again amid twin COVID-19 crises that threaten to overwhelm their health-care systems in a record-breaking fourth wave.

It’s a situation critics say shows the rest of the country what happens when government­s put politics ahead of public health.

Alberta’s troubles have made internatio­nal headlines recently as ICUs have nearly buckled under intense pressure caused by the worst pandemic situation in the country and as beds fill up with mostly unvaccinat­ed patients.

But, over the past week, it was Saskatchew­an that had the highest rate of average daily cases per capita in Canada, outside of the Northwest Territorie­s, at 283 per 100,000. Alberta was just behind it with 244.

Over the past weekend, Saskatchew­an reported 1,042 new COVID-19 cases while Ontario, which has a population of more than 10 times the size, reported 1,266.

The situation is dire and “only getting worse,” since Saskatchew­an is just a few days behind Alberta in seeing the full effect of lifting all public health restrictio­ns in July, said Hassan Masri, an ICU physician and associate professor of medicine at the University of Saskatchew­an.

Intensive-care units are already buckling in the province and the only reason hospitals haven’t been fully overwhelme­d is because patients dying from COVID-19, usually after two- or three-week battles with the disease, are opening up space, he said.

While the province isn’t in a formal triage scenario — in which health-care workers choose who gets care and who doesn’t based on resource scarcity — they are still in a state of triage, he added.

Hundreds of surgeries are being postponed every day. When somebody’s father doesn’t get a colonoscop­y or when a 12-yearold has their surgery cancelled, “this is what triage is,” Masri said. “You decide to give resources to someone over someone.”

Alberta and Saskatchew­an are the two provinces that have most seen their vaccine uptake stagnate. They both sit at just over 71 per cent of eligible people being fully vaccinated — a number that has only increased by a few percentage points since midsummer.

As for Saskatchew­an’s decision to reopen in July, “I think it was a gamble on the government’s end to brag, essentiall­y, about how well they’re doing and how they can open the economy and, certainly, that has backfired significan­tly,” Masri said.

The provincial government also didn’t do enough to encourage more vaccine uptake or use mandates to get the rest of the population to get jabs, Masri added.

Much like in Alberta, Saskatchew­an has seen resistance to mandating vaccines for health-care workers, teachers and government workers — even though some experts have recommende­d government­s take this approach.

Both provinces lifted their mask mandates in the summer, before bringing them back after the fourth wave crashed down on them. Both also resisted vaccine passports until finally bringing them in this month; Alberta’s began last week, and Saskatchew­an’s isn’t slated to officially launch until October.

Much like Kenney in Alberta, Moe has tried to appeal to a certain base of support — many of whom are against public health restrictio­ns and vaccine passports, said Tom McIntosh, a political scientist at the University of Regina.

For months, medical experts in the province tried to get the attention of the Saskatchew­an government and asked for those measures, he said.

“The question now is whether it was too little, too late,” McIntosh added.

But the political situation facing the two Conservati­ve premiers is vastly different, he noted.

Kenney’s popularity has continuous­ly tanked throughout the 19 months of the pandemic and has ranked among the lowest in the country for premiers. Moe, meanwhile, would probably form another majority government if an election were held tomorrow, McIntosh said.

Kenney has also faced public criticism from people in his own caucus, had a near miss with a vote of non-confidence from his party’s MLAs last week and is facing a leadership review next year.

The anger at Kenney comes from two sides of the spectrum in Alberta — those who oppose public health restrictio­ns and those who say Kenney didn’t bring them in quick enough.

He famously flip-flopped on vaccine passports, vowing never to bring them in before an abrupt about-face this month. Kenney also promised to not bring in more public health restrictio­ns, but ended up doing just that when the fourth wave became overwhelmi­ng. The move angered rural MLAs in his caucus who disagreed with it and some want him gone as leader.

In both provinces, there’s a “libertaria­n streak that runs through the political culture,” McIntosh said.

Even while Moe has sent “mixed messages” during the pandemic — urging people to stay home at times, then telling them to go out and support local businesses; or telling people to get vaccinated, but only if they want to — he hasn’t had to face the same political pressure as Kenney, said McIntosh, as Moe governs with a united caucus and strong public support in Saskatchew­an.

“That gives Moe a lot more room to do what he’s done without the kind of blowback that Kenney has received,” said McIntosh.

Moe’s base of support is found in rural Saskatchew­an and among voters who don’t want mandated vaccines, restrictio­ns, or who don’t think COVID-19 is serious, he added.

“It is playing into, I think, this false notion that asking people to be vaccinated and wear a mask and whatnot is some horrific infringeme­nt of their human rights,” McIntosh said.

“Apparently, though, mandating that you wear a seatbelt or have a driver’s licence or having your car insured is not a violation of your rights, but wearing a mask in the midst of a pandemic is.”

Alberta has brought in a vaccine passport system that nonessenti­al businesses and events can opt into. Doing so means they can require proof of vaccinatio­n or a negative test and offer their services free of public health restrictio­ns.

Saskatchew­an, after it announced a vaccine passport system that requires businesses to ask for proof of vaccinatio­n, saw an uptick in vaccine doses administer­ed. On Tuesday, the province also announced its health-care workers would need to show proof of vaccinatio­n or take part in a monitored testing program.

“There is still more that could be done and more planning that needs to be done to get us through this fourth wave,” McIntosh said.

“The numbers are not coming down very quickly and they’re not expected to.”

“It was a gamble (for Saskatchew­an) to brag …about how well they’re doing and … that has backfired significan­tly.” HASSAN MASRI ICU PHYSICIAN

 ?? MICHAEL BELL THE CANADIAN PRESS FILE PHOTO ?? Much like Jason Kenney, right, in Alberta, Saskatchew­an’s Scott Moe has tried to appeal to a certain base of support — many of whom are against health restrictio­ns and vaccine passports.
MICHAEL BELL THE CANADIAN PRESS FILE PHOTO Much like Jason Kenney, right, in Alberta, Saskatchew­an’s Scott Moe has tried to appeal to a certain base of support — many of whom are against health restrictio­ns and vaccine passports.

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