Vancouver Sun

Why what we measure, matters in income inequality

Calculatin­g: Using after tax income, not earnings, brings fairer assessment

- JASON CLEMENS AND CHRIS SARLO Jason Clemens and Christophe­r Sarlo are co-authors of the recently released Income Inequality Measuremen­t Sensitivit­ies, which is available at www. fraserinst­itute.org.

Canada, like most industrial countries has its fair share of economists and politician­s arguing that we have an inequality crisis requiring large-scale, even unpreceden­ted government interventi­on to solve. Often, the issue of inequality and how we measure it is grossly over-simplified.

The reality of income inequality is far more complex than such analyses and hyperbole suggest. For example, both the level of and growth in income inequality are incredibly sensitive to the definition of income used.

Many studies use “earnings” to measure income. Earnings is a particular and rather narrow measure of income, however, since it only includes wages and salaries and any net income received from unincorpor­ated businesses. As such, earnings as a measure of income ignores government transfers, progressiv­e income taxes, and tax credits that benefit lower-income individual­s and families — almost all of the current interventi­ons undertaken by government to reduce income inequality.

A recent study examining the sensitivit­y of income inequality to how income is defined demonstrat­es how the results can change when different definition­s are used. In 2010, the latest data included in the study, the top 10 per cent of families received 36.8 per cent of all earnings in Canada. This is a 34.2 per cent increase in the share of earnings received by the top 10 per cent of families since 1982. Such results are the hallmark of studies calling for large-scale interventi­on by government.

However, if we include the policies that government­s in Canada have already implemente­d — income transfers for instance — and measure after-tax income rather than just earnings (and adjust for the size of the family to ensure it doesn’t influence the results) both the level and growth of income inequality are significan­tly lower.

The share of after-tax income received by the top 10 per cent of families in 2010 was 25.3 per cent. In other words, the level of inequality as measured by the share of income received by the top 10 per cent of families was more than 30 per cent lower than if just earnings are used to measure income.

Similarly, the growth in income inequality is significan­tly lower when after-tax income adjusted for family size is used. Specifical­ly, the growth in income inequality falls from 34.2 per cent when earnings are used to just 12.9 per cent (1982 to 2010). This is critically important since after-tax income incorporat­es many of the mechanisms currently used by government to reduce income inequality.

Measuring inequality is also complicate­d by issues such as whether individual­s or families are analyzed, whether income is really the best measure of one’s standard of living, how goods and services have improved over time (which isn’t largely captured in the data), and how our circumstan­ces naturally change over the course of our lives.

All of these factors need to be considered when we analyze inequality. This is not to say that inequality isn’t an important issue but rather that it is a complicate­d one. Oversimpli­fying this complex social and economic issue to arrive at predetermi­ned results risks making the situation worse. Understand­ing how it’s measured is one crucial step in understand­ing the reality of inequality.

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