Vancouver Sun

OUR FRIENDLY DICTATORS SPEAK SOFTLY, USE A WHIP

- DOUGLAS TODD dtodd@postmedia.com

Sometimes I’m not convinced Canadians are particular­ly committed to democracy.

We think we are, though. Especially in contrast to our powerful neighbour to the south, whose polarized politics both entertain and outrage us.

But there is an argument to be made that the U.S. — as well as Britain, Australia, Germany, Ireland, Japan and a host of other advanced nations — have political systems that are more democratic, accountabl­e and transparen­t than those in Ottawa and the provinces.

And that is not necessaril­y because some of those nations have a version of proportion­al representa­tion (which four in 10 British Columbians chose in last fall’s referendum). There is little doubt that proportion­al representa­tion, as the name suggests, provides voters with fairer “representa­tion” and leads to more collaborat­ion between parties.

But there is another rarely discussed aspect of Canada’s federal and provincial political system that needs reform, because it also renders our government­s unusually weak in regards to democratic values. And that is party discipline, particular­ly the “whip system.”

It turns most MPs and MLAs into little more than often-disparaged trained seals.

The office of the government whip, which enforces conformity on parliament­ary votes, represents a lost opportunit­y for independen­t thinking. Worse, it encourages Canada’s prime ministers and premiers to make themselves into what one analyst rightly calls “friendly dictators.”

Canadians have become used to such leaders: The ones who smile for the cameras while speaking softly. Meanwhile, these same prime ministers and premiers use the office of the whip to carry an incredibly big stick, which they use to smash fresh ideas and challenges.

Since proportion­al representa­tion is done and dusted for probably another generation in B.C., maybe we could take a stab at updating the draconian whip system, which renders most Canadian MPs and MLAs (and in many cases even cabinet ministers) virtually useless.

Backbenche­rs have become almost entirely beholden to their leader and his or her cabal of inner-circle advisers. Witness the extreme secrecy around the machinatio­ns by Justin Trudeau over Huawei, SNC-Lavalin and demoted justice minister Jody Wilson-Raybould.

Witness the enormous power wielded by B.C.’s Christy Clark and John Horgan, even if the latter, with his minority government, has been forced to collaborat­e with Green party leader Andrew Weaver.

Canadians have come to think the whip system is a near-sacred tradition and necessary to run government. But it’s largely avoided in most countries, because it does not allow for the robust sharing of views.

Anybody tracking Britain’s Brexit debates will have noted the intense criticism of Conservati­ve and Labour leaders by backbenche­rs in their own parties. In the U.S., Republican and Democrat politician­s often speak with more freedom than do Liberals, Conservati­ves and the NDP.

Australian prime ministers are also often forced out because of the intense scrutiny of their own caucus. Japanese prime ministers come and go frequently as well, ousted by party members. All of these advanced countries continue to have strong cultures and economies. Canada is the outlier.

“Most of the world’s parliament­ary nations — whether they use first-past-the-post elector systems or some variant of proportion­al representa­tion — have that culture of constant accountabi­lity,” writes Christophe­r Moore in this month’s edition of Policy Options.

Over time in Canada, argues Moore, caucus members have “surrendere­d their power to control their leaders, (allowing) the boss to govern single-handedly. … MPs get to say ‘aye’ and give the boss standing ovations. But policy is mostly made by consultant­s in the leaders’ offices.”

Most backbenche­rs in this country who speak their minds, and even many cabinet ministers, are summarily terminated.

Sean Holman, an associate professor of journalism at Mount Royal University in Calgary and a former investigat­ive reporter covering B.C. politics, has added his voice to the cause of reform by creating a revealing documentar­y titled Whipped: The Secret World of Party Discipline.

Whipped exposes the private humiliatio­n experience­d by B.C. backbenche­rs, who describe their “soul-destroying ” role as puppets. The documentar­y makes clear a caucus member who dissents not only pays for it during their time in office, but for the rest of their careers. The party ostracizes them for disloyalty.

Citing some B.C. political history, Holman, who uses the term “friendly dictators,” said he seemed to be one of the few who found it healthy in 2010 when a group of 13 NDP MLAs decided to question the leadership of Carole James.

By all accounts, James, who is now finance minister, is a woman of integrity, but she had already lost two elections by that time. Holman did not find it surprising that caucus members challenged her leadership, even while others were treating the MLAs as treasonous and James as feeble for putting up with it. Now, virtually all those backbenche­rs are gone from the B.C. NDP caucus.

The power of the office of the whip has grown even more extreme in recent years, says Holman. Public relations department­s now dictate government marketing strategies, and there is relentless pressure for everyone to avoid veering from the leader’s canned message.

“What do we, the public, really want (from our elected officials)?” Holman asks. “Do we want efficiency? Or do we want democracy? We should be honest about our choice.”

Maybe I’m a glutton for lost causes, given the failure of proportion­al representa­tion, but I wonder if we could mount public pressure for the easing of Canadian party discipline, for giving backbenche­rs a chance to really take part each day in parliament­ary democracy.

It will be up to citizens to take on the conformist political culture. The leaders aren’t going to do it. Moore suggests, “We need to reject pundits who tell us unaccounta­ble leadership is the nature of parliament­ary democracy and who see rebellion, disloyalty and weak leadership when backbenche­rs dissent. Above all, we can teach the representa­tives we elect, federal and provincial, that their job as parliament­arians is to represent all Canadians, not their leaders.”

That is a fine vision. But I admit it’s hard to feel optimistic about it. I am skeptical about whether Canadians care that much about democratic principles within government. It’s easier to just feel superior to Americans and their political dramas, ignoring that their system often allows some individual­ity that ours does not.

I don’t expect many Canadians will speak up for the rights of backbenche­rs. We’ve probably become used to smiling dictators and their public relations machines.

But are we comfortabl­e believing democracy requires little more than casting a ballot once every four years?

We can teach the representa­tives we elect, federal and provincial, that their job as parliament­arians is to represent all Canadians, not their leaders. Christophe­r Moore

The whip system turns most MPs and MLAs into little more than trained seals.

 ?? PNG MERLIN ARCHIVE ?? Government whip offices give our prime ministers and premiers incredible power, says Douglas Todd.
PNG MERLIN ARCHIVE Government whip offices give our prime ministers and premiers incredible power, says Douglas Todd.
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