Vancouver Sun

CANADA MAY HAVE TO PICK A SIDE ON TAIWAN ISSUE

- DAPHNE BRAMHAM dbramham@postmedia.com Daphne Bramham was in Taiwan at the invitation of the government along with 29 other journalist­s from 24 countries.

For years, Canada has been like the “friend” who feels compelled to sneak out the back door and only meet in obscure places where half the time is spent looking over his shoulder to see if anybody's watching.

In Canada's case, the friend is Taiwan. The “anybody” is the People's Republic of China.

China has been the object of Canada's unrequited desire for 53 years. It has poured enormous energy and resources — political, business and academic — into the relationsh­ip.

But that all began to sour in 2018: Chinese trade sanctions and Beijing's arbitrary incarcerat­ion of the two Canadian Michaels — Spavor and Kovrig — following the detention of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou.

Now, following Chinese President Xi Jinping's promise to use force if necessary to “reunite” Taiwan, Canada may be forced to pick a side, ending an uneasy status quo that began before Taiwan transforme­d into a democracy and became the world's 15th-largest economy.

Canada officially recognized the People's Republic of China's legitimacy in 1970.

“The Chinese government reaffirms that Taiwan is an inalienabl­e part of the territory of the People's Republic of China,” the formal communiqué said at the time. “The Canadian government takes note of this position of the Chinese government.”

In an accompanyi­ng statement approved by China's negotiator­s, Canada said, “The Canadian government does not consider it appropriat­e to either endorse or to challenge the Chinese government's position on the status of Taiwan.”

Today, with China threatenin­g to blockade the Taiwan Strait or invade, only 13 countries officially recognize the island democracy. Only the U.S. has committed to defend it.

That is something Taiwan is desperate to change. At a recent media briefing, Taiwan's Foreign Minister Joseph Wu talked about how it is trying to deter an invasion by rapidly beefing up its military capabiliti­es and strengthen­ing relations with a long list of “major countries,” including Canada, the United States, Britain, Japan and Australia.

In a later interview, Wu described the Taiwan-Canada relationsh­ip as strong and getting stronger, even though it was 1998 when the last Canadian minister visited.

In April, the special committee on Canada-China relations released its report, Canada and Taiwan: A Strong Relationsh­ip in Turbulent Times.

The first recommenda­tion reaffirmed the status quo: the “One China policy.” But the second caught the attention of both the Taiwanese and Chinese government­s.

Canada should “offer and declare its clear and unwavering commitment that the future of Taiwan must only be the decision of the people of Taiwan.”

The federal government hasn't responded yet. It has 120 days.

But the Chinese embassy in Ottawa responded almost immediatel­y, describing the report as “making wild talks on Taiwan-related issues” and insisting that Taiwan is “purely China's internal affair” that “brooks no foreign interferen­ce.”

A week after the report's release, committee chair Ken Hardie (Liberal MP for Fleetwood-Port Kells) hand-delivered a copy to Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen, who described Canada as a “crucial partner to Taiwan.”

She told the parliament­arians that it is “essential that democracie­s stand united in the face of authoritar­ian expansioni­sm.” Tsai added that Canada has already demonstrat­ed its concern about peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait with its new Indo-Pacific Strategy.

Wu, who is also familiar with the document, welcomed Canada's shift away from China toward a more regional approach.

“The Indo-Pacific is important,” he told me. “It's not only important for Taiwan, but for the region as a whole to have a wide democratic bloc.”

Still, there are only seven references to Taiwan in 26 pages. Four are about working with partners to “push back against any unilateral actions that threaten the Taiwan Strait.”

But three specifical­ly mention working with Taiwan on issues including trade, technology, health, Indigenous relations, democratic governance and countering disinforma­tion.

Seven references aren't much. But as two senior Taiwanese officials told me, seven is better than none.

Canada also recently reopened talks with Taiwan on a foreign investment promotion and protection agreement — essentiall­y a free-trade agreement that outlines the rules.

It supported Taiwan's failed attempt to join the World Health Assembly and, earlier this month, signed an agreement to co-operate on health issues. The same week that was signed, B.C. announced the opening of a trade office in Taipei.

Taiwan is pushing Canada to support its applicatio­n to join the 11-member Comprehens­ive and Progressiv­e Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnershi­p. Canada remains noncommitt­al even though Taiwan meets all the standards for admission. Supporting it poses a dilemma.

Although it doesn't meet the labour, environmen­tal and human rights standards that Canada helped bring to the agreement, China also wants to join.

If Canada supports or the bloc accepts Taiwan, China would almost certainly retaliate against them.

Canada also remains noncommitt­al on whether it would help defend Taiwan if the PRC attacks.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau called China's April military exercises in the Taiwan Strait “problemati­c.” But all he offered was the bromide that “Canada will continue to fight for democracy because that's what Canadians expect us to do.”

Canadian public opinion runs against China. But the reality is internatio­nal relationsh­ips aren't about who we like best or who we agree with. They are mostly about money and business. And in that, even with a soured relationsh­ip, Canada-China bilateral trade at $129 billion annually dwarfs the $11 billion in trade with Taiwan.

Still, Wu is optimistic that values do matter.

“I think (Canada) will consider everything and progress slowly,” he said.

But for now, Canada is sticking to the old standard: noncommitt­al.

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