Mulroney’s mixed legacy

Since his death, Canadians have been reflecting on the legacy of Brian Mulroney. We will be debating that legacy for years to come.

It includes his international leadership against South African apartheid, his attempts at constitutional reform (unlikely to be undertaken by any other prime minister for a long time), the acid rain accord, and the introduction of the goods and services tax.

But it was in the strengthening of Canada-U.S. relations and North American free trade where he has left his mark. Those efforts didn’t just impact our economy; they had a major impact on our culture, as well.

For those too young to remember what Canada was like in the 1980s, it was very different from the country we live in today. In 1984, one of our predominant concerns was the “Canadian identity.”

It almost sounds ludicrous to speak in such terms today. Canada has a very diverse population — and did even then. To try to distil it into something singular and unified was never going to fly.

But no matter: we had policies, regulatory frameworks, and institutions, focused on maintaining Canadian content in media.

It was as if we were deeply insecure about ourselves, and ever watchful of any risk to that identity. It had also set the stage for a Canada-U.S. relationship that always felt a little uncomfortable — we were the friend who kept comparing ourselves unfavourably to the other.

Mulroney changed that. He recognized that Canada’s security and economic prosperity was closely tied to that of the U.S., though there was little doubt about who the “senior partner” in that relationship was.

He applied his powerful interpersonal and persuasive skills to forge strong friendships with presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush to promote his vision. He was so successful that he became the prime minister who was finally able to steer the country toward free trade.

When the matter was put to the electorate in 1988, Canadians re-elected him to a second majority government — no small achievement, especially for a Progressive Conservative government.

Over time, fears about American influence over Canadian culture began to ease.

In not insisting on a singular Canadian identity, we have not only recognized the rich diversity that immigrants and newcomers have brought to this country, but we have also seen Indigenous identity recognized and celebrated in ways that were never possible prior to 1990.

This may be Mulroney’s strongest and, perhaps, unintentional contribution to our history: he helped redefine the country in ways that welcomed diversity and differences among Canadians.

I did not approve of everything Mulroney did while prime minister. He was the most vocal opponent to South African apartheid on the international stage, prepared to go toe-to-toe with the likes of Margaret Thatcher over the issue. But he struggled in “connecting the dots” between apartheid and Canada’s own policies and relationship with Indigenous Peoples.

That was very problematic, especially against the backdrop of Oka and the failure of the Meech Lake accord.

But he deserves credit for establishing the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, setting the stage for greater awareness of our colonial history, the injustices perpetrated on First Nations peoples and communities and, eventually, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

In Indigenous affairs, his was a mixed legacy. But it was not a failing one. There is no denying the impact of Canada’s 18th prime minister. That impact reverberates strongly still today.