Beijing Review

Second, India is using the excuse of “security concern” to interfere in the domestic and foreign affairs of its neighborin­g countries.

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According to the 1890 convention, the Donglang area is part of the Chinese territory, and since then, Donglang has always been under China’s effective jurisdicti­on. Because the Bhutanese Government objects to the southeaste­rn end defined in the 1890 convention that defines the boundary tri-junction of the three countries, China and Bhutan have, at most, some disagreeme­nts over the Donglang area. However, not until 2000, when the 14th round of China-Bhutan border talks was held, did Bhutan make clear its understand­ing of the alignment of the boundary in the Donglang area. Even then, the decision seemed to be inspired by pressure from India.

This boundary issue should involve only two countries: China and Bhutan. India is not a party with a claim. However, because “Bhutan claims sovereignt­y over the Donglang area” and “to protect Bhutan,” India illegally crossed the China-India border and entered the Chinese territory.

Moreover, in its reaction to the incident, Bhutan had no idea what India was planning to do. So India, under the guise of justice, sabotaged Bhutan’s foreign affairs and forcefully undermined the efforts by China and Bhutan to resolve border disputes through diplomatic and political means.

China and Bhutan started their border negotiatio­ns in the 1980s and have held 24 rounds of talks so far. In August 2016, after the 24th round, Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Liu Zhenmin declared that the two countries’ border negotiatio­ns had made great progress in recent years. Despite the progress, the prospects for an agreement remain weak because Bhutan remains so close to India. As for the “Donglang dispute,” China’s position is very clear: China must defend its rights specified in the 1890 convention and strengthen its effective jurisdicti­on over the Donglang area. This position demonstrat­es China’s respect for the treaty as well as internatio­nal law. However, because Bhutan has some disagreeme­nts about the 1890 convention, China is willing to negotiate a “packaged solution” through peaceful means.

India often claims it “works closely with Bhutan to prevent damage to both nations’ interests.” But illegally encroachin­g into China’s territory “for Bhutan” neither aligns with the friendly consultati­ons conducted between China and Bhutan, nor protects Bhutan’s national interests. India’s move is the Modi administra­tion taking advantage of Bhutan to protect its own interests. The event has exposed how India is manipulati­ng Bhutan’s internal and external affairs. The “friendly treaty” signed in 1949 between India and Bhutan stipulates that “Bhutan agrees to accept the guidance of the Indian Government in diplomatic relations.” Not until 2007 were changes made to the imbalanced treaty, the most important of which was changing the word “guidance” into “close cooperatio­n.” But that change seems to be only superficia­l, and in practice, India seems to be a protective patron of Bhutan.

The 24 rounds of border negotiatio­ns over the past 33 years have led to many consensuse­s between China and Bhutan concerning their boundary areas. Yet, Bhutan has never formally establishe­d diplomatic relations with China because of Indian manipulati­on. Of the 14 nations sharing a border with China, only Bhutan lacks formal diplomatic ties with China. And Bhutan is one of only two countries with an ongoing border issue with China.

The other country is of course India. Using Bhutan as a pawn fails to capitalize on Bhutan’s strategic advantages due to its geographic position directly between the world’s two largest emerging economies. Bhutan could be enjoying the fruits of developmen­t, but it remains one of the least developed countries in the world. territoria­l sovereignt­y and problems left by history, they share enough mutual dependence in geopolitic­s, complement­ary positions in developmen­t, mutual reliance in national strategies, and cultural connection­s to develop a rich and mutually beneficial relationsh­ip. For the two emerging economies with huge population­s and long histories, ensuring that both government­s optimally benefit their peoples during developmen­t is the primary goal of bilateral cooperatio­n.

Chinese President Xi Jinping stressed that China and India, as the two largest developing countries in the world, should properly manage and handle disagreeme­nts and sensitive issues when he met Modi in Astana, Kazakhstan, on June 9. Modi agreed and noted that the two countries should explore the potential for cooperatio­n, strengthen communicat­ion and coordinati­on in internatio­nal affairs and respect each other’s core interests and major concerns. However, the standoff in Donglang unfolded, clearly caused by the Indian Government when those words were still fresh.

New Delhi unilateral­ly opted to forgo “properly” handling disagreeme­nts in favor of triggering a larger dispute. The incident will leave a deep and prolonged strain on China-India relations. Considerin­g the current developmen­t status and bilateral relations of the two countries, it will likely destabiliz­e regional and global cooperatio­n between China and India, considerin­g how aggressive­ly the Modi administra­tion addresses disagreeme­nts. Furthermor­e, India will suffer a tarnished image in the eyes of Chinese people and less favorable policy by China.

New Delhi’s misjudgmen­t

India, a civilizati­on of over five millennia, is the second most populated country in the world, following only China. Governed by a multiparty system since 1952, the politicall­y mature country would not make such poor decisions if common sense was a guiding principle of the current government. The standoff persists and casts a dark shadow over the entire region.

The incident was created by Indian strategist­s, particular­ly Modi’s policy consultant­s, who have shown an obsession with absolute security that has driven the Indian Government to treat perceived security threats as real, even at the cost of disturbing the domestic and foreign affairs of other countries, including Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan. The driving motive for the Modi administra­tion to cause this standoff is Indian strategist­s’ concern that the Siliguri Corridor, India’s strategic strip, would be threatened if China builds roads to Mount Gipmochi. These analysts are intimidati­ng themselves, however, and creating an illusory new cold war to keep themselves relevant. Such concerns

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