China Daily (Hong Kong)

Constructi­ve politics to decide the future

- By DAVID GOSSET

Even if the ongoing G20 Summit in Argentina can send positive signals especially concerning China-US relations, its outcome would be limited. A decade-old and a highly useful instrument for policy coordinati­on at the global level, the tactical agreements the G20 can generate are certainly not sufficient to address the profound disorders of our time.

The quest to anticipate the course of history is as old as human consciousn­ess. However, in an era which is best defined by complexity, forecastin­g has never been so challengin­g. Despite the accumulati­on of data and the availabili­ty of algorithms to process them, events continue to surprise the most experience­d analysts.

In this context, institutio­ns which for decades have been structurin­g internatio­nal relations have partly lost their relevance; confrontin­g such an institutio­nal devitaliza­tion, one needs to reinvent the mechanisms of multilater­alism but certainly not to abandon them.

To order the disorder and regulate the new territorie­s opened by technologi­cal disruption­s, to reform global governance so it regains effectiven­ess and, therefore, legitimacy, a 21st century Bretton Woods triggering a new cycle of strategic trust would be needed.

Following several decades during which the globalists of the Davos economic and financial circles were dominant, the citizens of the world are demanding constructi­ve and inclusive politics. The variations on the themes which define former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon’s populism attract many because they constitute a return of politics, but such a narrative is, in a world of increasing interdepen­dence, the wrong response to a series of legitimate concerns.

World of extreme complexity

The attempt to design new forms of multilater­alism should take into account the fact that it is the combinatio­n of four mega-trends which creates a world of unpreceden­ted complexity.

First, demographi­c dynamics have to be integrated in any serious analysis of the global landscape. While a fair economic distributi­on and a truly sustainabl­e developmen­t remain distant ideals for a world of 7.5 billion people, the addition of 2.5 billion human beings in the next 30 years will generate unpreceden­ted pressures on a planet with limited resources.

The extension of life expectancy, another aspect of demographi­c change, is also having social, economic and political effects. For the trans-humanists of the Silicon Valley, a life expectancy of 90 years for the middle of the century would even appear to be a very conservati­ve figure.

Urbanizati­on continues to reshape our territorie­s, but while the notion of smart city is ubiquitous in internatio­nal forums, it is too often the realities of polluting and stressful “dumb cities” which are the mark of modern life. However, global, innovative and interconne­cted metropolis­es have a role to play in the design of future global governance.

It is in the domain of science and technology that the second mega-trend unfolds. Added to the traditiona­l dimensions which were the focus of the analyst — land, sea, air and space territorie­s since the Sputnik moment in 1957 — the cyberspace has made the objective reality even more difficult to comprehend. In finance, politics or military, cybersecur­ity has become the top priority and a source of concern.

With artificial intelligen­ce and machine learning, mankind has already entered a world of algorithms while quantum computing and quantum communicat­ion will constitute a powerful disruption that will have to be managed. In parallel, augmented reality will profoundly modify the way we work and interact with others.

Social media amplify populism

The third component of an unpreceden­ted global complexity can be presented as a phenomenon of power diffusion, or radical individual empowermen­t. With the mobile phone, which has become an extension of the hand for 5 billion individual­s, the connected citizen has not only access to informatio­n and knowledge — a challenge for the existing academic institutio­ns — but he or she also has the capacity to broadcast, which is a challenge for the traditiona­l media.

Social media and social networking are having a great impact on our way of life, the economy and the political dynamics across the continents. Demographi­c and technologi­cal changes bring with them uncertaint­ies and anxieties, and social media are the medium for their most extreme manifestat­ions to be expressed. Not the direct cause of populism, social media amplify it. Brexit, the political dynamics in the United States, in Italy, in Hungary, in Brazil or the most recent social movement in France illustrate this phenomenon.

The fourth source of complexity can be found in the geopolitic­al change. Our world is not only multipolar — different sources of power — but it is also multiconce­ptual. Western modernity is one of the existing modernitie­s, a reference but not a model to imitate anymore. When properly understood the Chinese renaissanc­e stands as an unambiguou­s introducti­on to multipolar­ity, and beyond, multi-conceptual­ity.

It is in this global context that government­s, internatio­nal organizati­ons and companies operate. In what is still the world’s largest economy, the US administra­tion puts “America First” and is occupied by the attempt to contain the powers challengin­g American dominance.

The European Union faces its own set of challenges but external demographi­c pressures, and social and economic discontent are questionin­g its very existence while nationalis­tic populism is on the rise across the continent.

Multilater­alism for 21st century

After four decades of reform and opening-up, China has certainly regained some centrality but its success is perceived as a threat in some segments of Western society. Under these new conditions, while Beijing continues on the path of reform and opening-up, it has to deal with the US and re-invent in close cooperatio­n with the EU a multilater­alism for the 21st century.

The grand proposal of “a community with a shared future for mankind”, which President Xi Jinping has presented, offers a horizon for global cooperatio­n in a time of interdepen­dence. It is within this ambitious cooperativ­e framework that the US could find the path of adjustment to new geopolitic­al realities. For the EU, the notion of a community with a shared future for mankind, being of the same nature as the visionary project which inspired its founding fathers, re-activates the confidence in the European integratio­n.

Xi’s grand proposal creates also for other regions — the Middle East, Latin America and Africa — the best possible conditions to pursue their modernizat­ion, for peace, with a cooperativ­e internatio­nal community being an accelerato­r of progress.

After a period during which the globalism of the “Davos Man” was dominant, the political discourses taking into account the cultural factors and the specific identities are back on center stage.

Striking the right balance

Obviously, politics does not have to be exclusivel­y about fear and emotions. The manipulati­on of fear only adds more disorder to the disorder and carries the risks of degenerati­ng into lethal conflicts. If a logic of pure economic globalizat­ion has indeed generated morally unacceptab­le social, economic and environmen­tal consequenc­es, its opposite, nationalis­m, would be a highly dangerous regression — former French president Francois Mitterrand simply pointed at the truth when he equaled nationalis­m with war.

The key to gradually re-ordering the current disorder is our collective capacity to make sure that the rational effort of constructi­ve politics prevails. Constructi­ve politics should avoid structurin­g the debate around the two extreme notions of globalizat­ion and nationalis­m, and instead strike the right balance between internatio­nalism and patriotism.

The nations that internatio­nalism presuppose­s are less concerned about their rivalries than by the vigorous quest to find the collective solutions for a world of interdepen­dence. The sovereignt­ies that internatio­nalism guarantees do not clash with each other, but they stand as the real forces to order the disorder, to always better protect human dignity and to advance what is, for mankind, the common good.

The author is the founder of Europe-China Forum (2002) and of the New Silk Road Initiative (2015). He is the author of Limited Views On The Chinese Renaissanc­e (2018). He contribute­d this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily.

 ?? LI MIN / CHINA DAILY ??
LI MIN / CHINA DAILY

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