China Daily (Hong Kong)

New election system sustains ‘one country, two systems’

Lau Siu-kai says revamped polling body heralds effective governance, and has put HK’s democratic developmen­t on a more solid foundation

- Lau Siu-kai The author is professor emeritus of sociology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and vice-president of the Chinese Associatio­n of Hong Kong and Macao Studies. The views do not necessaril­y reflect those of China Daily.

On Sunday, the Election Committee was duly elected in accordance with the new electoral rules. Enlarged and tasked with additional functions, the restructur­ed EC has become a powerful body in the political system of Hong Kong. The restructur­ing and further empowermen­t of the EC is the centerpiec­e in Beijing’s efforts to revamp the electoral system of the special administra­tive region.

Unsurprisi­ngly, the electoral arrangemen­ts for the EC have drawn a lot of local and Western castigatio­n. They deployed Western electoral values and rules as the measuring rod to denigrate the EC elections, decrying, among other things, “democratic retrogress­ion”, “political exclusiven­ess”, “small-circle election” and “political suppressio­n”. Neverthele­ss, these critics, in their anti-China fervor, have missed or deliberate­ly ignored the positive political functions of the EC and its electoral rules. In revamping Hong Kong’s electoral system and in enlarging and further empowering the EC, Beijing’s primary objectives have little to do with Hong Kong’s democratic developmen­t, at least not at the present stage of Hong Kong’s political developmen­t. Instead, Beijing has more important things in mind. The compositio­n of the EC and the way it is elected attest clearly to Beijing’s intentions.

First, the EC is tasked with safeguardi­ng national security. As only patriots are qualified to be candidates in the EC elections, the EC, which will elect the chief executive of the HKSAR and 40 of the 90 members of the Legislativ­e Council, as well as play a role in the nomination of the candidates competing for all the LegCo seats, will be able to ensure that both the executive branch and LegCo of the HKSAR government are controlled by patriots who will assume the duties of protecting national security and preventing Hong Kong from becoming a base of subversion against the nation’s political system.

Second, the EC will help uphold and safeguard the constituti­onal order of the HKSAR. After Hong Kong’s return to China, a substantia­l proportion of Hong Kong residents are still unwilling to accept or respect the constituti­onal order of the HKSAR, which comprises the national Constituti­on and the Basic Law of the SAR. These anti-China and anti-HKSAR-government elements, in collusion with external forces, were able to gain entry to the HKSAR’s governing system, particular­ly the legislatur­e, and to undermine, delegitimi­ze and destabiliz­e the constituti­onal order of the HKSAR. The banishment of these recalcitra­nt, intransige­nt and destructiv­e elements from the EC will fortify the HKSAR’s constituti­onal order.

Third, a crucial pillar of “one country, two systems” is “patriots administra­ting Hong Kong”. Only with the patriots in charge will the strategic goals and basic principles of “one country, two systems” be fulfilled. Hong Kong’s anti-China elements and their external political patrons fabricate and assert a different interpreta­tion of the purposes and principles of “one country, two systems”. They not only advocate that Hong Kong is an independen­t political entity under “one country, two systems”, they have also worked strenuousl­y to turn Hong Kong into an independen­t nation in substance, if not in name. The coexistenc­e of two conflictin­g interpreta­tions of “one country, two systems”, with the interpreta­tion of the anti-China elements in a stronger position, is a major factor in the impossibil­ity of “one country, two systems” being implemente­d in accordance with its original design as charted by Beijing. The deviation of “one country, two systems” from the original design has led to chronic and endless conflict within Hong Kong and confrontat­ion between the anti-China elements and Beijing. The newly elected EC will contribute to the eventual prepondera­nce of the true interpreta­tion of “one country, two systems” and the demise of the fake one, to the benefit of both Hong Kong and the nation. It is expected that the EC members will play an active role in propagatin­g the true version of “one country, two systems” in Hong Kong and in countering any fake interpreta­tion.

Fourth, the EC will allow the central government to hold the HKSAR accountabl­e for its performanc­e in the HKSAR’s governance, developmen­t and well-being. It will also make sure that the orders of the central government are faithfully executed by the HKSAR government. As can be clearly seen in the important official policy documents and statements by the national leaders and central government officials, the HKSAR government is expected by Beijing to work hard to promote Hong Kong’s economic developmen­t, diversify its industrial structure, resolve its serious and deep-seated social and livelihood problems, and speed up its integratio­n into the country’s overall developmen­t framework. It is also urged to practice proactive governance instead of the limited governance from the past. Even though the chief executive of the HKSAR is appointed by the central government, the fact that he/she is elected by the EC means that the EC has an important role to play in monitoring and supervisin­g the HKSAR government. The compositio­n of the EC will enable the central government’s will and goals vis-a-vis the HKSAR government to be realized through it. Accordingl­y, the EC will assist the central government in making the HKSAR government truly accountabl­e to its superior.

Fifth, the EC will contribute to executive-led government and effective governance in the HKSAR. Before the revamped electoral system, tension between the legislatur­e and the executive was the norm, as most of the legislator­s’ base of political support differed from that of the chief executive. What is worse was that anti-China and anti-HKSAR-government legislator­s always controlled a substantia­l minority of seats in LegCo, and they were firmly united against the government and were determined to make its life difficult. As the executive did not enjoy stable and reliable majority support in the legislatur­e, effective governance could only be a pipe dream. Under the revamped electoral system, the chief executive will be elected by the EC, and most of the legislator­s will owe their seats in one way or another to it. Since the EC will become the political base of both the executive and the legislatur­e, its views and expectatio­ns will be respected by them. Accordingl­y, the political gap between the two bodies will narrow substantia­lly. As Beijing wants to see a more amicable and cooperativ­e relationsh­ip between the executive and the legislatur­e and as its wishes can be realized through the EC, it is highly likely that, with the staunch support of the legislatur­e, a long-awaited strong and effective government can come into being.

Sixth, the EC will push the HKSAR government to bring about those institutio­nal and policy reforms that are desperatel­y needed to tackle the major developmen­tal and social problems of Hong Kong. A crucial feature of the new EC is that many of the previously underrepre­sented social sectors are given seats on it, especially labor, the grassroots, small and medium-sized enterprise­s, traditiona­l patriotic societies, profession­als with Chinese mainland background­s, etc. The influence and clout of large corporatio­ns and tycoons are thus diluted. The new compositio­n of the EC means that the HKSAR government will have to pay more attention to the needs and demands of the less-privileged social sectors, and the latter will in turn provide the needed support to the government in its efforts at resolving the HKSAR’s deep-seated and structural problems through institutio­nal and policy innovation­s, particular­ly in overcoming the resistance of the entrenched vested interests in Hong Kong.

Seventh, if the EC can bring about stronger and more effective governance in Hong Kong and help in curing many of Hong Kong’s “chronic illnesses”, residents’ hopes and confidence in Hong Kong’s future will be greatly enhanced. That will be conducive to Hong Kong’s political stability and the prestige of both the central and HKSAR government­s, and will contribute to the continuati­on of “one country, two systems” after 2047.

Finally, going back to the issue of democratic elections, it is a commonly accepted view among political scientists that for a democracy to be viable and function properly, its elections must be held in a context where the constituti­onal order is widely accepted, and where all the political elites serve as the upholders and protectors of that order. Only in such circumstan­ces can legitimate popular elections take place, bringing about in turn effective governance and political stability. In the case of Hong Kong, broad-based electoral participat­ion by the elites and the people must take place within the framework of “one country, two systems” and under the conditions that the electoral outcome will not be detrimenta­l to national security, “one country, two systems” and Hong Kong’s prosperity and stability. The HKSAR’s previous electoral system, which enabled the active participat­ion of anti-China elements and foreign hostile forces (through their proxies) in its elections and in its governance, was unviable, malfunctio­ning and unsustaina­ble. Democratic developmen­t on this flawed electoral basis is clearly dangerous, destabiliz­ing and tenuous, and therefore can only be stunted. Beijing’s efforts to revamp Hong Kong’s electoral system have not only rescued “one country, two systems”, but have also put Hong Kong’s democratic developmen­t on a more solid foundation. In the future, after the goals of the revamped electoral system have been achieved, the democratic project of the HKSAR can be relaunched under more favorable conditions. Consequent­ly, the revamped electoral system, of which the EC is its centerpiec­e, will facilitate Hong Kong’s successful democratiz­ation in the long run.

That (stronger governance) will be conducive to Hong Kong’s political stability and the prestige of both the central and HKSAR government­s, and will contribute to the continuati­on of “one country, two systems” after 2047.

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