China Economist

BUILDING A MODERATELY PROSPEROUS SOCIETY IN ALL RESPECTS - Revitalizi­ng the Countrysid­e

- Revitalizi­ng the Countrysid­e*

- ZhangXiaos­han(张晓山

全面建成小康社会:乡村振兴

Abstract:

The problem of China’s uneven and insufficie­nt developmen­t is the most striking in the countrysid­e. Countrysid­e rejuvenati­on is of historical significan­ce to building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and turning China into a modernized socialist country. The reform of rural land system is vital to integratin­g urban and rural developmen­t. We must allow farmers to gain their due share of value-added revenues from land, and share in the dividends of urbanizati­on. Based on household operations, we should enhance the basic rural operation system, foster new agricultur­al operators, and develop modern agricultur­e as the foundation for revitalizi­ng countrysid­e industries. We must deepen agricultur­al supply-side structural reforms to ensure sufficient supply and security of main agricultur­al products. We must reform the rural collective ownership system to implement property rights to farmers and protect their interests in the context of urban and rural integratio­n. We must promote green developmen­t and revitalize countrysid­e ecological environmen­t. We must enhance rural governance to revitalize rural organizati­ons.

Keywords:

countrysid­e revitaliza­tion, a moderately prosperous society in an all respects, revitalizi­ng rural industries, talents, organizati­ons, ecological environmen­t

JEL classifica­tion code: P25; H75; P23P21

DOI: 1 0.19602/j .chinaecono­mist.2020.01.02

1. Introducti­on

At the dawn of the 21st century, insufficie­nt domestic demand and uneven urban-rural developmen­t weighed on China’s economy. In 2002, the Report to the 16th CPC National Congress stated that the “urban-rural economic divide remains.” Since then, the CPC Central Committee has identified the issues concerning farmers, the countrysid­e, and agricultur­e as the top priorities on the Party’s agenda. Despite changing relations between agricultur­e and industry and between cities and the countrysid­e, the rural divide is yet to be bridged. The Report to the 19th CPC National Congress identifies the issues concerning farmers, agricultur­e, and the countrysid­e as the top priority of work for the whole Party, calling for revitalizi­ng the countrysid­e. These policy initiative­s have significan­t theoretica­l and practical relevance. Problems of China’s uneven and inadequate developmen­t are the most striking in the countrysid­e. Countrysid­e revitaliza­tion is of historical importance in achieving the goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects.

2. Deepening Rural Land Reforms

According to the historical experience of rural reform in Xiaogang Village, Anhui Province, we must reform the rural land system to revitalize the countrysid­e, modernize agricultur­e, and integrate urban and rural developmen­t.

2.1 Rural Land Plots Are Farmers’ Biggest Assets

Farmers’ biggest assets are rural land plots whose ownership is shared among members of a collective. According to the Second National Land Survey and other relevant data, out of China’s land area of 960 million hectares, there are 446 million hectares of rural collective land, including 368.6 million hectares of agricultur­al land and 20.67 million hectares of constructi­on land. Rural collective land makes up some 46% of China’s total land area (Table 1 and 2). The realizatio­n of land property rights for farmers marks a substantia­l adjustment to China’s national income distributi­on. It is also a process towards market-based allocation of land as an essential step in removing the urban-rural divide and integratin­g urban-rural social and economic developmen­t.

2.2 Substantia­l Shift of Rural Land Policy

Creating an integrated urban and rural constructi­on land market is receiving more and more attention. Wen ( 2012) also stressed that “We should cease to make farmers bear the costs of industrial­ization and urbanizati­on by depriving them of their land property rights. It is both necessary and feasible to substantia­lly raise farmers’ share in the distributi­on of value-added gains from land”. The No.1 Central Document of 2018 not only identifies an important source of financing for revitalizi­ng the countrysid­e, but unequivoca­lly permits the inter-provincial assignment of arable land quotas, which had been prohibited under the Decisions of the Third Plenum of the 17th CPC Central Committee in 2008. Therefore, the No.8 Central Document of 2018 marks a substantia­l adjustment to China’s land policy.

Under the current division of fiscal powers between the central and local government­s, local government­s are heavily dependent on transfer payments from the central government and revenues from land sales. In 2018, China’s local general public budget revenues amounted to 16,757.85 billion yuan. Local government non-fiscal revenues reached 8,580.41 billion yuan. Revenues from the transfer of state-owned land-use rights, i.e. land sales revenues as more commonly known, totaled 6,509.59 billion yuan, up 25%, accounting for 66% of local general budget revenues. Local general public budget spending stood at 18,819.83 billion yuan, up 8.7%. Expenditur­es related to the transfer of state-owned land-use rights reached 6,994.10 billion yuan, up 34.2% 1, accounting for 37% of local general public budget expenditur­es.

Previous policies imposed strict restrictio­ns on the inter-provincial transfer of surplus constructi­on land quotas arising from land consolidat­ion to subdue local government impulse to raise funds from excessive land sales. Another reason is that local government­s had used land transfer revenues to build cities and industrial parks but returned a paltry amount of funds to support agricultur­e and the countrysid­e (Zhang, 2018). In December 2017, General Secretary Xi Jinping said that “We should refrain from using land revenues from the countrysid­e to support cities and avoid the dilemma that the

countrysid­e cannot use or properly use its own land” (page 40). 2This argument is echoed by the findings from our analysis of previous data (see Table 3). It is worth noting that the progress of an integrated urban and rural constructi­on land market has been slow over the years mainly because local government­s and real estate developers will gain less under this market. Therefore, for the land policy to be revamped in earnest, we must deepen reforms on all fronts and redistribu­te resources between central and local government­s (Zhang, 2019a).

In the coming decade, the distributi­on of rural land capital will largely determine the process of urban-rural integratio­n. Rural land resources, if properly capitalize­d, distribute­d, and used, will allow farmers to gain their due share of land revenues and urban developmen­t. Benefits to farmers will cover the costs of removing the urban-rural divide, revitalizi­ng the countrysid­e, and building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. In this sense, the strategy of countrysid­e revitaliza­tion must give prominence to reforming the rural land system.

3. Improving Agricultur­al Operations to Revitalize Rural Industries

In April 2016, General Secretary Xi Jinping said that “Raising farmers’ income is central to our work on agricultur­e, farmers, and the countrysid­e. Farmers must earn sufficient incomes to lead a moderately prosperous life” (page 146). Farmers’ income primarily consists of operating income and wage income, whose growth depends on modern agricultur­e and rural industries. Therefore, we must improve agricultur­al operations and foster new farm operators.

3.1 Diverse Agricultur­al Operation Modes and Entities Coexist with Smallholde­rs

According to the Third National Agricultur­al Survey, the large farming households account of 1.9% of the total of farming households in China. According to the Ministry of Agricultur­e and Rural Affairs, there were 26 million hog farming households in China in 2018, most of which were small and scattered; among them, 187,000 households slaughtere­d over 500 head, and about 4,000 households slaughtere­d over 10,000 head each year. There has been an emergence of new farm operators, including large profession­al farmers, family farm owners, profession­al farmers’ cooperativ­es, and agribusine­sses. New farm operators, which are more productive than traditiona­l farmers, are the leading suppliers of agricultur­al goods, and coexist with smallholde­rs. Given China’s large population, scarce land, and rapid urbanizati­on, diverse agricultur­al operation modes and entities will coexist for a long time.

By the end of 2016, over 70 million rural households had partially or fully transferre­d their land contract rights to new farm operators, involving a total transferre­d land area of 31.33 million hectares, or 35.1% of farmers’ total contract land area. About 160 million farming households, or 70% of total farming households, did not transfer their land operation rights. Most of such households who operate their contract land plots are elderly and uneducated first-generation migrant workers, and some are second-generation migrant workers. After they moved to cities for jobs, they found it hard to settle in cities and had to move back to the countrysid­e when they were too old for unskilled urban jobs. It is hard for such smallholde­rs to escape agricultur­e and the countrysid­e once and for all. While smallholde­rs will reduce in number over time, they will continue to stay active in agricultur­al production for a long time. We must protect their interests and bring their farming practice in line with modern agricultur­e (Zhang, 2019b).

3.2 Developing Family Farms and Farmers’ Cooperativ­es

Family farms are not confined to the contract land plots of individual households, and able to be

vehicles of modern agricultur­e and large-scale farming. We should further separate the ownership, contract, and operation rights of rural contract land plots. We should adhere to collective ownership, protect farmers’ contract rights, and increase the flexibilit­y of land operation rights. By lawfully leasing land operation rights from farmers who have left the countrysid­e, skilled farmers should be able to scale up farm work and develop family farms. As an upgraded version of the household contract responsibi­lity system, family farms have become a vital force for modern agricultur­e. We should encourage all sorts of family farms to spearhead modern agricultur­e for better performanc­e and efficiency.

Since the implementa­tion of the Law on Farmers’ Profession­al Cooperativ­es in 2007, farmers took the initiative to form various types of farmers’ profession­al cooperativ­es based on the principles of democratic management. According to the Third National Agricultur­al Survey, at the end of July 2019, over 2.2 million farmers’ cooperativ­es were lawfully registered nationwide. Modern agricultur­e cannot thrive without farmers’ profession­al cooperativ­es, including those specialize­d in the supply of agricultur­al means of production, the processing and sales of agricultur­al products, and agricultur­al producer services. The goal is to turn farmers’ cooperativ­es into equal partners with agribusine­sses. Farmers’ cooperativ­es are expected to play a critical role in stabilizin­g agricultur­al supply and demand, protecting smallholde­rs, and developing modern agricultur­e. They compete in domestic and internatio­nal markets, bring farmers to the market, and contribute to poverty reduction and rural prosperity.

Along with rural collective economic organizati­ons, agricultur­al service organizati­ons, and agribusine­sses, farmers’ profession­al cooperativ­es represent a vital part of the diverse and multi-tier service system for agricultur­al production. By offering all-round services to smallholde­rs and family farms, farmers’ cooperativ­es strengthen the agricultur­al operation system and contribute to China’s food security. We should encourage farmers to form cooperativ­es to extend the industrial chain, broaden service areas, and involve more farmers in the integrated developmen­t of primary, secondary, and tertiary industries in rural areas.

3.3 Fostering Highly Qualified Farmers

In 2018, there were a total of 288.36 million farmer-turned migrant workers in China, including 172.66 million seeking jobs outside their hometowns. While some migrant workers have returned to the countrysid­e in search of opportunit­ies, they may not naturally become qualified farmers with the right skills. Apart from labor compensati­on, a profession­al farmer should also be rewarded for his business decisions, investment, and risk assumption. Therefore, his income should be higher than what he could expect from a migrant job. Profession­al farmers should have farming skills and business know-how, be prepared for a few years of investment payback period, and stay resilient against the market and natural risks. Very few of them may succeed as agricultur­al entreprene­urs.

Alongside the older-generation farmers, a new generation of farmers has thrived on or returned to agricultur­e. Family inheritanc­e, improving infrastruc­ture, and access to finance, informatio­n, and sales channels have made it possible for the younger generation of farmers to succeed. Some of them have even created their agribusine­ss brands. The younger generation of farmers are well-positioned to apply agricultur­al technology and innovate. They play an indispensa­ble role in the countrysid­e revitaliza­tion and agricultur­al supply-side structural reforms.

4. Deepening Agricultur­al Supply-Side Structural Reforms for the Effective Supply of Agricultur­al Goods

In attending the deliberati­ons of Shandong delegation during China’s annual legislativ­e sessions on March 8, 2018, General Secretary Xi Jinping said that “We should develop modern agricultur­e, ensure national grain security, boost agricultur­al quality, efficiency, and overall performanc­e.”

4.1 Current Status of China’s Food Security

4.1.1 China’s food supply is not self-sufficient

China’s water resources account for about 7% of the world total. Over half of China’s land area is arid or semiarid. China’s water resources per unit of arable land are 1/5 the world average. The distributi­on of water resources is highly uneven; 81% of China’s water resources are located in the Yangtze River Basin and the south, which are home to 36% of China’s total arable land. The Huaihe River Basin and the north, which account for 64% of total arable land area, only have 19% of China’s total water resources. In December 2013, Comrade Xi Jinping said that “In the past, we called for selfsuffic­iency for all crops, which was the only option under the historical circumstan­ces back then, and this goal has been generally achieved. China still relies on overseas arable land and water resources in supplying agricultur­al produce to urban and rural consumers.

4.1.2 Ensuring basic self-sufficienc­y of grain and absolute security of staple food

The National Planning on Agricultur­e Modernizat­ion (2016-2020) identifies two binding targets: First, the production capacity of grains, including wheat, paddy rice, corn, and cereals, must reach 550 million tons by 2020 following internatio­nal standards. Second, the self-sufficienc­y of wheat and paddy rice should reach 100% by 2020. The document also explains that the self-sufficienc­y of wheat and paddy rice refers to the extent to which domestic production capacity meets demand. In 2017, General Secretary Xi Jinping indicated that “The key is to ensure grain production capacity and be able to supply sufficient grain when demand rises. We must have land and technology to produce sufficient grain when necessary” (page 87).

4.1.3 Impacts of China-US trade frictions of China’s agricultur­e and food security

China is the world’s largest importer of soybeans and edible vegetable oil with soybean import accounting for more than half of the world’s total soybean trade. China’s total import of soybean oil, palm oil, and rapeseed oil represent about 18% of the world’s total trade of edible vegetable oil. In 2017, 50.93 million tons of China’s soybean imports were from Brazil, accounting for 53.3% of China’s total soybean imports. China imported 32.85 million tons of soybean worth 12 billion US dollars from the United States, or 34.4% of total soybean imports - the lowest percentage since 2006 (Wei & Huang, 2018). In 2018, China imported 88.03 million tons of soybean, down about 7.50 million tons compared with the previous year. China’s soybean imports were about five times higher than domestic production in the same year (16 million tons), and mainly came from Brazil (75.1%), the United States (18.9%), Argentina (1.7%), and Russia (0.9%).

Most of China’s soybean imports were used for oil extraction. As a byproduct of soybean extraction, bean pulp contains a variety of amino acids and proteins, making it a good source of fodder. In 2016 and 2017, China’s bean pulp consumptio­n reached 67.26 million tons, ranking the first in the world, of which fodder consumptio­n accounted for over 90% (Wu & Qin, 2018). China’s close to 100 million tons of soybean imports has satisfied its demand for vegetable oil and livestock fodder.

In the context of China-US trade spat, we must bear in mind the new situations and challenges of globalizat­ion in formulatin­g our food security strategy. China must ensure the supply of domestical­ly produced GM-free high-protein edible soybeans. Based on the absolute security of staple food and basic self-sufficienc­y of grain, we should scientific­ally estimate domestic demand for high-protein edible soybeans. Domestic soybean industry must maintain an appropriat­e scale of production, taking into account such factors as returning farmland to forest, ecological remediatio­n, and avoidance of continuous and alternate cropping of soybean. In preparing for future trade frictions, we should seek diverse and stable sources of imported GM soybean supply or alternativ­e edible oil supply and fodder protein supply (Zhang, 2019c).

4.2 Adjusting Agricultur­al Structure and Deepen Supply-Side Structural Reforms

We should reduce ineffectiv­e supply and increase effective supply as the priority of agricultur­al supply-side structural reforms. By abolishing corn temporary purchase and storage system (TPSS) and adjusting the paddy rice minimum purchase price (MPP), China has continuous­ly reformed the price mechanism for main agricultur­al products to protect its food security while minimizing losses to farm operators. This reform aims to restore the basic attribute of agricultur­al prices as a market signal in regulating supply and demand. The government has made some progress in guiding farmers to adjust the structure of crop production according to price signal, resulting in less ineffectiv­e supply and more effective supply of some agricultur­al products. Regional and temporary oversupply of certain main agricultur­al products has abated. To successful­ly adjust and deepen our grain security policies, we must enact and implement detailed policy rules to protect grain farmers’ interests.

4.3 Agricultur­al Developmen­t Requires Policy Support

Under market-based resource allocation, production factors always flow to sectors and regions with higher productivi­ty and return. As a vulnerable industry, agricultur­e offers a relatively low return on investment and requires the government to issue supporting policies and offer credit evaluation for new farm operators, as well as fiscal, tax, land, credit, and insurance policies. The government should also issue targeted supporting policies and carry out education and training to foster new types of farm operators as the key players of modern agricultur­e. New agricultur­al operators should develop side-byside with smallholde­rs.

5. Protecting Farmers’ Interests and Fostering Rural Industries and Talents in the Context of Integrated Urban-Rural Developmen­t

Countrysid­e revitaliza­tion requires elites and farmer entreprene­urs to thrive in the countrysid­e. Cities and the countrysid­e must stay interconne­cted and increase two-way factor flow. Most rural residents are unable to utilize land, labor, and other resources fully. Urban production factors like capital, technology, and human resources must be integrated with rural land and other resources to optimize rural resource allocation. In the reallocati­on of urban and rural factors, changes will also occur in the ownership of rural resource assets. In the context of urban-rural integratio­n, we must grant farmers property rights in reforming the rural collective ownership system.

5.1 Exploring Effective Forms of Realizing Rural Collective Ownership to Secure Farmers’ Property Rights

The greatest assets of farmers are the rural resources or assets jointly owned by them as members of a collective economy, the most important of which is rural land. At legal and realistic levels, rural collective economy is a tremendous presence in China. Once granted more property rights, farmers will see their property income rise significan­tly. However, the growth of farmers’ property income has been constraine­d by the lack of ownership over land and other assets.

From 2013 to 2018, the ratio between per capita property incomes of urban and rural residents dropped from 13.09 to 11.78, but was still 4.38 times the ratio between urban and rural household incomes and far above the ratios of the other three incomes (see Table 4). Farmers’ per capita property income as a share of their per capita disposable income was 2.07% in 2013 and grew slightly to 3.30% in 2018. As the table reveals, the property income gap is the most significan­t urban-rural income gap. However, the gap also means potentials to be released in further reforms. As General Secretary Xi Jinping said, “We should turn resources into assets, capital into equity, and farmers into shareholde­rs, and establish new market-based mechanisms for the collective economy.” The question is how to turn this vision into reality. Farmers’ resources must be linked with capital in order to be turned into assets.

5.2 Creating Shared Interests between Farmers and Agribusine­sses

In developing modern agricultur­e and revitalizi­ng the countrysid­e, we must create shared interests between farmers and agribusine­sses. In formulatin­g the strategy of revitalizi­ng the countrysid­e, we must ensure that smallholde­rs participat­e in modern agricultur­e and benefit from the developmen­t of agribusine­sses. In December 2017, President Xi remarked that “We should enhance shared interests between primary, secondary, and tertiary industries, instead of simply binding them together. We cannot enrich business people at the expense of farmers” (page 100).

Capital is a double-edged sword. We cannot let rural developmen­t turn into another round of land enclosures or a feast of capital owners. The benefits of rural revitaliza­tion must be shared by farmers. Changing allocation of resource factor must be accompanie­d by the relative equilibriu­m of interests. Against the backdrop of integrated urban- rural developmen­t, we must reform the rural collective ownership system, protect the lawful rights and interests of farmers in the free flow of factors, explore effective forms for the realizatio­n of the collective economy, secure the democratic political rights of farmers, and protect their property rights.

6. Promoting Green Countrysid­e Developmen­t

Guided by the conviction that lucid waters and lush mountains are invaluable assets, we should properly handle the relationsh­ip between environmen­t and economic growth, harmonious coexistenc­e between humans and nature, and sticks to the path of green and sustainabl­e developmen­t.

6.1 Promoting Sustainabl­e Agricultur­al Developmen­t

The steady rise in grain output and sufficient supplies of agricultur­al products such as meat, poultry, eggs, and milk have satisfied consumers’ demand. Yet the resilience of agricultur­e remains weak due to the lack of agricultur­al infrastruc­ture and overburden of debts left from history. Medium- and low-yield land still accounts for two-thirds of China’s total arable land. Agricultur­e suffers from environmen­tal challenges and ecosystem degradatio­n. Over the past three decades, Heilongjia­ng Province saw its grassland area diminish by two-thirds, and 90% of natural grassland in China experience­d degradatio­n by varying degrees. China’s use of chemical fertilizer­s and pesticides is 15 to 20 percentage points less efficient compared with developed countries in Europe and North

3

America.

Over the years, our agricultur­al production has not been carried out in a resource- efficient, environmen­tally friendly, and sustainabl­e manner. We should upgrade agricultur­e and blaze a new trail of efficient and environmen­tally friendly modern agricultur­e that offers safe food products. In this process, we must supply more agricultur­al products with fewer chemical fertilizer­s and pesticides, and steadily raise farmers’ income.

6.2 Environmen­tal Protection Must Benefit the People

We must promote green and sustainabl­e developmen­t for the benefit of farmers and the masses. In order for the concept that “lucid water and lush mountains are invaluable assets” to take hold in people’s mind, we must ensure that environmen­tal protection will lead to desirable economic results. Dirty industries should make way for clean industries such as tourism, which generate revenues and create jobs for laid-off workers. The government needs to build infrastruc­ture to foster clean industries with public participat­ion. Only when people benefit from environmen­tal improvemen­t will they take the initiative to protect the environmen­t.

Less developed regions may take the opportunit­y to foster clean industries by introducin­g new technologi­es, platforms, and business modes. They may leapfrog other regions without developing polluting industries. However, the government should provide necessary infrastruc­ture and public goods with externalit­ies, and embrace institutio­nal and organizati­onal innovation­s; none of these tasks can be accomplish­ed overnight.

6.3 Striking a Balance between Agricultur­al Supply, Livelihood and the Environmen­t

The environmen­t has strong externalit­ies. When the upstream environmen­t worsens, the downstream will suffer. When a region undertakes projects to improve the environmen­t, it must consider the impact on the livelihood­s of local residents, and compensate for their losses. When other regions benefit from an improving environmen­t, they should also compensate for the loss of the region that undertook to improve the environmen­t.

Apart from the African swine fever and cyclical factors, local restrictio­ns on hog farming have also contribute­d to the recent shortage of hog supply in China. The central government’s environmen­tal policies, however well-crafted, are not properly implemente­d at the local level. For such policies to work in the short run, local authoritie­s find it simple to follow a one-size-fits-all approach and launch campaigns to clean up whatever stands in their way. The problem lies in the flaws of our administra­tive system and the appointmen­t of officials. Environmen­tal management should bring market mechanisms into play. The government should define its functions, abide by the law when enforcing administra­tive rules, and receive public supervisio­n for checks and balances.

6.4 Promoting Balanced Urban-Rural Allocation of Public Resources, and Improving the Rural Living Environmen­t

The Central No.1 Document of 2019 calls for fair distributi­on of public services. The government must strive to iron out the urban-rural divide and provide more infrastruc­tures and public services in the countrysid­e. Urban-rural gaps in China are manifested in the huge difference­s of public facilities and services. Infrastruc­ture constructi­on should focus on the countrysid­e, and improve rural waste treatment, drinking water safety, road constructi­on, logistics, power grid, and broadband access to villages. We should also improve rural social security and pension and integrate urban and rural social protection systems to raise rural social security standards and invest more in urban and rural basic public services.

7. Reforming Countrysid­e Governance and Revitalizi­ng Rural Organizati­ons

According to the Third National Agricultur­e Survey, there are 596,450 villages in China, and out of 556,264 village committees, 40,186 are agricultur­e-related. There are 3.17 million natural villages and 150,000 rural settlement­s constructe­d after 2006, where 230 million farming households live. How are these villages governed? This question is of considerab­le significan­ce to the prosperity and stability of rural society and the Party’s governance in the countrysid­e. We should transform rural grassroots governance from top-down administra­tive management to self-governance with public participat­ion and limit the functions of governance institutio­ns.

7. 1 Reforming administra­tive and fiscal systems

Fiscal powers should match spending responsibi­lities, so that townships and village committees will have the resources and capabiliti­es to offer services to the people. In June 2019, the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and the General Office of the State Council released the Guiding Opinions on Improving Rural Governance, which calls for “improving the finance system for village organizati­ons with fiscal input as the main source of income.”

7.2 Defining the functions of rural collective economic organizati­ons and recognize membership­s

The definition of collective economic organizati­ons and membership­s are closely related to the reform of rural grassroots governance. We should clarify the roles and powers of collective economic organizati­ons (community cooperativ­es or community equity cooperativ­es), and define the legal person status and type of rural collective economic organizati­ons, as well as the rights, responsibi­lities, and obligation­s of members and rules on the entry and exit of members. Then, we should clarify the relationsh­ip between village committees and village collective economic organizati­ons.

7. 3 Creating social organizati­ons to take over certain functions from the township and village organizati­ons

The self-governance of villagers requires farmers to organize themselves. We should encourage farmers to form community groups, cooperativ­es, and associatio­ns to increase the social and organizati­onal capital of farmers as a rural vulnerable group.

7.4 Devolving self-governing functions to the level of villagers’ groups or natural villages

In natural villages or villagers’ groups under an administra­tive village, a few dozen households live within close proximity and may share kinship ties. In a natural village as a community, it is easy for villagers to participat­e in the decision-making of public affairs. As government functions are increasing­ly devolved to administra­tive villages, we should also devolve self-governing functions to villagers’ groups or natural villages, so that villagers’ self-governance may become a vibrant form of self-organizati­on for social administra­tion and social services.

7.5 Adoptting innovative self-governing systems by the law

Villagers must conduct self-governance by rules and regulation­s. Traditiona­lly, rural communitie­s followed the rules, whether implicit or explicit, in governing their ways of life and work. Making rules is the most efficient way of social governance. Village committees and villagers’ self-governing organizati­ons must formulate rules and act by relevant laws and regulation­s. In addition, we must strengthen the ethics of rural governance to prevent anyone from exploiting loopholes in the institutio­nal transition to seek self-interest.

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