China Economist

China-US High-Tech Competitio­n, Trade Conflict and Developmen­t Rights

ChenZiye(陈子烨)andLiBin(李滨

- 1 2* Chen Ziye ( ) and Li Bin ( ) 1 School of Government, Nanjing University, Nanjing, China 2 School of Politics and Internatio­nal Relations, Tongji University, Shanghai, China

Abstract:

The power and interest of industrial manufactur­ers are determined by their status in the relations of production. At the internatio­nal level, countries see their economic and political status rise only when they climb the ladder in the internatio­nal division of labor. As the primary production forces, science and technology are the main drivers behind such change. As new technologi­es give rise to new industries and restructur­e the internatio­nal division of labor, developed countries strive to enhance the protection of their intellectu­al property rights (IPR) and safeguard their monopoly over core technologi­es. For developed countries, technologi­cal prowess holds the key to their supremacy in the global supply chain and internatio­nal relations. The 19th CPC National Congress makes clear the overarchin­g goal in the new era is to rejuvenate the Chinese nation and turn China into a strong modern country. As an important material condition for achieving this goal, China must transition from being medium- and low-end links in the internatio­nal division of labor to becoming high-end links. In this process, China will encounter backlash from developed countries that lead in the internatio­nal division of labor. The recent China-US tussle over trade in high-tech goods is a case in point, and should be viewed through the lens of the relations of production and the internatio­nal division of labor. The insights thus achieved will be of great significan­ce to China’s future developmen­t.

Keywords:

陈子烨

李滨

internatio­nal technology competitio­n, internatio­nal division of labor, ChinaUS trade war, China’s developmen­t rights

JEL Classifica­tion Codes: F50, F51, F52, F59

DOI: 10.19602/j.chinaecono­mist.2020.09.06

A key issue in the recent China-US, and to some extent China-EU and China-Japan, trade disputes is competitio­n in the high-tech sector. Soon after the launch of Made in China 2025 - a 10-year plan to update China’s manufactur­ing industry, Western media published a swathe of reports accusing China of forcing Western companies to transfer technology, “stealing” intellectu­al property rights (IPRs), subsidizin­g industries, and extending state support to homegrown innovation­s. Such acts, they argue, violate market rules and constitute “unfair” competitio­n against Western companies. The West is worried about China’s technologi­cal ascent because China is likely to break through the technologi­cal monopoly of Western companies that underpins their vested interests in the global supply chain. For this reason, they press China to enhance IPR protection and block Chinese companies from accessing Western technology. They even threaten China with a trade war and obstruct China’s developmen­t of the high

tech sector and its forays into internatio­nal markets.

The high-tech sector is at the forefront of internatio­nal competitio­n as it determines a country’s position in the global supply chain. According to Immanuel Wallerstei­n (2004), the internatio­nal division of labor is the geographic­al distributi­on of production activities including core and peripheral production activities; the fundamenta­l difference among core, peripheral and semi-peripheral states lies in the extent to which they “absorb labor value, employ machines, and generate profits,” as well as their ability to manufactur­e core products. A country’s position in the internatio­nal division of labor is not fixed, but instead is dependent on technologi­cal developmen­t and gains from trade relative to other countries. “No product is a core or peripheral product by its nature; such an attribute lasts only for a certain period.” A country’s technologi­cal performanc­e and ability to manufactur­e core products are key determinan­ts of its position in the global supply chain. A country’s place in the global supply chain determines their political status and their share in the distributi­on of the world economy. Gowen (2010) argues that the internatio­nal division of labor is a hierarchy or process of power. In today’s world, countries are more intricatel­y enmeshed in the global production chain than ever before, but core production links and products remain, and so does the hierarchy. Countries that lead in the high-tech sector and manufactur­e core products occupy the high-end, profitable links in the global supply chain.

As it is capital-intensive, with a long payback period and high risk profiles, the high-tech sector requires special state support. The State assures the mobilizati­on of public resources in support of corporate R& D securing firms’ access to the market and technologi­cal rents, as manifested in correspond­ing market and IPR systems. Like China, Western countries utilize state power to support homegrown tech firms. However compared to Western countries, China’s state-led model has immense possibilit­ies for technologi­cal developmen­t. Gowen (2010) predicted that “a huge challenge in the 21st century will be China’s economic and political rise. China boasts unique potentials to tap into its phenomenal economies of scale and learning, upgrade production with state resources, and improve its status in the internatio­nal division of labor.” From this perspectiv­e, China-US trade frictions and hightech bans imposed by the US and some other Western countries against China are inevitable.

1. High-Tech Sector’s Status in the Internatio­nal Division of Labor and the Role of the State

A nation’s status in internatio­nal relations stems from its position in the internatio­nal division of labor. According to Karl Marx and Frederik Engels, the “relations between nations depend on each nation’s productivi­ty, position in the division of labor, and internal interactio­ns” ( Marx and Engels, 1995). In the final analysis, a country’s internatio­nal status is determined by its position in the internatio­nal supply chain. In this sense, internatio­nal relations mirror the internatio­nal relations of production. Without acquiring leadership in the internatio­nal division of labor, a country cannot fundamenta­lly alter its position in the internatio­nal distributi­on of wealth and power.

Technology is the key determinan­t of productivi­ty. As the catchphras­e goes, “science and technology are the primary productive forces.” The high-tech sector determines a country’s place in the hierarchy of the internatio­nal division of labor, its share in the distributi­on of the world economy, and its realm of influence in internatio­nal relations. Given its strategic importance, the high-tech sector receives a great deal of state support in all countries - such support is necessary to a sector that is capital-intensive, risky, and entails a long payback period. Take the semiconduc­tor industry for instance; an advanced semiconduc­tor factory would cost more than one billion US dollars in the mid-1990s. It normally takes two to four years to launch a new product, five to six years to generate sales, eight to nine years to break even, and ten years to turn a profit. Such huge upfront and follow-up investment­s, together with the long payback period and high risks, deter most private companies from entering the realm of the high-tech industry.

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