China International Studies (English)

Participat­ing in Global Poverty Governance: China’s Approach

- Zhang Xiaoying & Wang Xiaolin

China has made remarkable achievemen­ts in poverty reduction through institutio­nal designs and practices in line with its national conditions. It can explore ways to participat­e in global poverty governance through bilateral, multilater­al and thirdparty cooperatio­n, and contribute to the UN 2030 Agenda.

The UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainabl­e Developmen­t sets the goal to “end poverty in all its forms everywhere” by 2030. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to build a system of global poverty governance, which includes not only strengthen­ing the Official Developmen­t Assistance (ODA), but also enhancing South-south cooperatio­n. Summarizin­g China’s experience in poverty alleviatio­n and reviewing the major issues facing global poverty governance can help clarify China’s approach to participat­ion in the governance, and provide reference for internatio­nal cooperatio­n in poverty eliminatio­n.

Challenges to Global Poverty Governance

Although at the UN level, the world has reached a consensus on eliminatin­g all forms of poverty by 2030, global poverty governance still faces huge challenges with regard to the scale and distributi­on of population worldwide in poverty, ODA, South-south cooperatio­n, capacities of developing countries, as well as models of economic growth and social developmen­t.

Great scale and uneven distributi­on of global population in poverty

First, the world’s population in poverty are in great scale. The global poverty monitoring data released by the World Bank in 2018 shows that according to the extreme poverty standard of $1.9 per person per day based Zhang Xiaoying

on internatio­nal purchasing power parity (PPP) in 2011, the incidence of global poverty decreased from 35.9% in 1990 to 10% in 2015, a decline of more than 70%. However, at the end of 2015, there were still nearly 736 million people living in extreme poverty worldwide, with the incidence of poverty in sub-saharan Africa reaching over 40% and the total number of poor people still increasing.

Second, multi-dimensiona­l poverty is severe throughout the world. Regarding the dimensions of poverty, in addition to income poverty, poverty reduction in multiple dimensions are faced with greater challenges in terms of education, health, household electricit­y, drinking water, and sanitation facilities, etc. Poverty does not only refer to the lack of income or consumptio­n, but in most cases the deficiency of compulsory education, basic public health services, and basic standards of living, etc. The global Multi-dimensiona­l Poverty Index (MPI) released by the United Nations Developmen­t Program (UNDP) comprehens­ively evaluates multi-dimensiona­l poverty from 3 dimensions including education, health and living standards and 10 indicators. According to monitoring results in 2018, 1.34 billion people in 105 countries suffered from multi-dimensiona­l poverty, accounting for 23.3% of the total population of these countries. This figure is much larger than that calculated based on the World Bank’s $1.90 threshold for those living in extreme poverty.

Third, the world’s population in poverty are distribute­d unevenly. Subsaharan Africa and South Asia are key regions facing challenges of poverty reduction. According to the World Bank’s standard for extreme poverty, the number of people living in extreme poverty in sub-saharan Africa increased from 278 million in 1990 to 409 million in 2010, and to 413 million in 2015. After 2030, 90% of the world’s extreme poor will be in sub-saharan Africa.1 According to the UNDP’S MPI, 40.6% of the world’s multi

dimensiona­l poor live in South Asia and 41.6% in sub-saharan Africa. It should be noted that 67% of the world’s multi-dimensiona­l poor live in middle-income countries.2 This means that global poverty governance should not only focus on low-income countries, but also on middle-income ones.

Difficulty in meeting financing needs

Since the 1960s, the ODA, official developmen­t assistance from developed countries to developing countries, provided by the Developmen­t Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organizati­on for Economic Cooperatio­n and Developmen­t (OECD), has always been the main source of funds for global poverty governance. The ODA is ultimately allocated to the least developed countries through bilateral and multilater­al aid mechanisms to boost economic growth, combat inflation and reduce extreme poverty. Currently, the ODA has two main problems.

First, the total amount of funds is insufficie­nt to meet the financial needs of poverty eradicatio­n in developing countries. Although the total amount of ODA is growing, it is still far from enough to meet the needs of global poverty governance. In terms of the ODA received per capita, the historical peak was only $21.19 per person, which is insignific­ant compared with the huge demand for investment in poverty reduction among developing countries.

Second, the limited ODA funds are unreasonab­ly structured and imprecisel­y matched with the needs of developing countries. The ODA has many uses, such as promoting economic growth, stabilizin­g the monetary system, facilitati­ng economic and social restructur­ing and eradicatin­g poverty. As a result, the very limited funds are used in a wide range of areas. Moreover, the ODA’S allocation of funds does not precisely match the needs of developing countries. The population in multi-dimensiona­l poverty in low-income countries, which receive 42.1% of the ODA, only

account for 28% of the world’s total population in poverty. By contrast, the multi-dimensiona­l poor in low- and middle-income countries account for 66% of the world’s whole, while only using 49.4% of the ODA.3 Pakistan, Nigeria and India, three countries that are home to large numbers of multidimen­sional poor people, only receive ODA at a per capita level of $2.30, $1.40 and $0.64 respective­ly.

Lack of consensus under existing South-south cooperatio­n

In addition to the ODA, another important instrument of global poverty governance is South-south cooperatio­n among developing countries. However, both bilateral cooperatio­n and the third-party cooperatio­n advocated by the United Nations are project-based, lacking in overall design and planning. They are temporary, simple and small-scale. For example, to meet the specific needs for African countries’ developmen­t, Turkey has carried out the African Agricultur­al Developmen­t Plan, the African Health Plan and the African Vocational Training Plan, mainly in forms of capacity-building projects and social services such as building schools and hospitals.4 Meanwhile, Brazil mainly offers agricultur­al technical assistance to Latin American countries and Portuguese-speaking countries in Africa.

Moreover, South-south cooperatio­n also lacks a conceptual design or mechanisms for poverty reduction cooperatio­n that are recognized by all. The aid provided by developed countries to developing countries is in accordance with the DAC’S Recommenda­tion on Terms and Conditions of Aid, which includes not only requiremen­ts on the amount of funds, but also specific provisions on aid principles, priority areas and priority countries. However, as for South-south cooperatio­n, although the UN has been guiding the cooperatio­n among developing countries,

and developing countries have reached a lot of consensus, there is still no specific cooperatio­n principles or mechanisms for poverty eradicatio­n, and South-south cooperatio­n remains loose. Even though emerging economies have become increasing­ly active in internatio­nal affairs in recent years and establishe­d high-level consultati­on mechanisms such as BRICS, they still tend to go their own ways in the field of developmen­t cooperatio­n.

Insufficie­ncy of developing countries’ capacity

The lack of capacity for poverty reduction among developing countries is mainly reflected in the following three aspects.

First, they lack the capacity to formulate strategic plans for poverty reduction. Especially for sub-saharan African countries under the lasting influence and interventi­on of the World Bank and the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund (IMF), they have to follow the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPS) formulated by internatio­nal developmen­t experts, and have no ability to independen­tly design their own poverty reduction plans according to their national conditions. In the implementa­tion of bilateral and multilater­al aid projects, internatio­nal organizati­ons focus on good governance, which usually includes effective anti-corruption, a sound accountabi­lity mechanism, reasonable management of public resources and a complete legal system.5 Correspond­ingly, the empowermen­t of vulnerable groups becomes a core philosophy of poverty reduction projects by internatio­nal organizati­ons. With this seemingly right and just concept, the World Bank and the IMF focus on strengthen­ing democratic institutio­ns when providing assistance programs. However, decades of experience has shown that there is no inevitable relationsh­ip between increased democracy and reduced poverty.

Second, they lack the capacity to monitor and assess poverty. This is especially true in South Asian countries. For example, in the poverty

monitoring database of the World Bank, the sample coverage in South Asia is very low. Some countries do not have accurate poverty monitoring, nor scientific poverty assessment systems. They are not clear about their domestic poverty situation. Some do not even have a reliable set of data.

Third, the government­s of these countries fall short of poverty reduction strategies and policy implementa­tion. The absence of government has resulted in inadequate social cohesion when it comes to poverty reduction; it has also led to inadequate investment in cross-regional infrastruc­ture and public services aimed at promoting poverty reduction. In addition, for most countries in sub-saharan Africa and South Asia, regional causes of poverty are prominent. Poverty alleviatio­n in these countries or regions rely heavily on internatio­nal organizati­ons and NGOS. For example, the problem of child poverty in India is very serious. One out of every four poor people is under the age of 10.6 The main reason is that children are poorly educated, especially for those from lower castes in rural areas, whose education mainly relies on local NGOS.

Lack of pro-poor economic growth and social inclusiven­ess

Long-term, robust economic growth is the basis for poverty reduction, and pro-poor growth hinges on whether the income and other rights of the poor increase faster than those of the non-poor.7 Regionally, sub-saharan Africa has a long history of low and unstable economic developmen­t, with a GDP growth of just 1.3% in 2016. Low growth leads to a depressed job market, which is not conducive to poverty reduction. According to the Internatio­nal Labor Organizati­on, the unemployme­nt rate in North Africa was the highest in the world in 2015, reaching 12.1%, and the employment rate of young people aged 15 to 24 and women was even lower than the average. In sub-saharan Africa, more than 70% of workers are weakly

employed, with very unstable income and little access to social security.8

Agricultur­e, as a labor-intensive industry, is the most conducive to poverty reduction in developing countries. It is not only conducive to solving food security problems and eliminatin­g hunger, but also to solving employment problems and promoting rural developmen­t. However, in the rural areas of sub-saharan Africa, agricultur­e is limited by climate, irrigation and technology, and the phenomenon of wide planting and low harvest is very common. The yield per unit area of most crops is at a low level. Under these conditions, even agricultur­e, which is considered the sector most conducive to poverty reduction, does not function well in sub-saharan Africa as a pro-poor element. In both South Asia and Latin America, the distributi­on of land is extremely unequal, and the poor have no access to arable land, which has formed a pattern of “anti-poor growth” in institutio­nal arrangemen­ts.

The inclusiven­ess of social developmen­t measures whether a government has improved the conditions for vulnerable groups, such as the elderly, women, children, disabled people and immigrants, to participat­e in economic, social and cultural activities, so that they can have equal opportunit­ies for developmen­t.9 Therefore, the poverty reduction goals of the UN’S 2030 Agenda for Sustainabl­e Developmen­t are not simply targeted at income, but also at eliminatin­g all forms of poverty and leaving no one behind, with an emphasis on equitable access to public services such as education and health to improve social inclusiven­ess. However, in those countries with a high poverty incidence, the inclusiven­ess of social developmen­t is seriously inadequate, and government­s lack targeted policies in education, medical care, social security and other fields. The developmen­t ability and the anti-risk capacity of vulnerable groups is extremely weak. In sub-saharan Africa, the education, medical care and social security network is highly inadequate, and government­s’ investment in these areas is severely

insufficie­nt. In 2016, the completion rate of primary education was less than 70%, and health services were not popularize­d, resulting in a serious lack of inclusive social developmen­t.

China’s Experience in Poverty Reduction

Since it launched the reform and opening-up, China has made remarkable achievemen­ts in poverty reduction by lifting the largest number of people out of poverty in the world. This is closely related to a series of institutio­nal designs and practices in line with China’s national conditions.

Exploring a three-pillar public policy framework and leading in eradicatio­n of extreme poverty

Over the past four decades of reform and opening-up, China has gradually formed a three-pillar institutio­nal framework featuring pro-poor growth, inclusive developmen­t and multi-dimensiona­l poverty alleviatio­n, effectivel­y promoting poverty reduction in this country.

The first pillar includes policies for pro-poor growth. After the launch of reform and opening-up, through the implementa­tion of household land contract responsibi­lity system and the establishm­ent of price market for agricultur­al products, the close and effective integratio­n of rural labor force and land was activated, the total factor productivi­ty of agricultur­e was increased, and the first round of large-scale poverty reduction was achieved. Through globalizat­ion and industrial­ization in the 1990s, China’s use of foreign direct investment (FDI) and its domestic labor dividend, together with the combinatio­n of surplus rural labor and labor-intensive industries, improved the total factor productivi­ty of the industrial sector and the nonagricul­tural employment of rural labor, which realized the second round of large-scale poverty reduction. After the global financial crisis erupted in 2008, China adopted proactive fiscal policies to combine surplus rural labor with infrastruc­ture constructi­on and urbanizati­on. As a result, farmers’ wages as a proportion of total household income increased, which led to the third

round of large-scale poverty reduction. Since 2013, in the face of land and labor dividend shortages and other constraint­s, as well as such problems as the transforma­tion and upgrading of the economy not being conducive to non-agricultur­al employment of the poor, China has put forward the strategy of targeted poverty alleviatio­n in a timely manner, and achieved the fourth round of large-scale poverty reduction in a short period. After the four rounds of large-scale poverty eradicatio­n, China has put in place a framework for growth conducive to lifting the poor out of poverty.

The second pillar refers to policies for inclusive social developmen­t. China has two main policies for inclusive social developmen­t. First, through the populariza­tion of compulsory education, poverty alleviatio­n via education, expansion of public health services, and poverty reduction via health care, China has increased its investment in human capital, promoted more equitable developmen­t, and blocked the transmissi­on of poverty between generation­s. Second, China has built a subsistenc­e allowance system covering both urban and rural areas, provided cash assistance for the basic survival of the poor, and enhanced the security system for the elderly, disabled, orphans and other vulnerable groups. Since 2013, under the policy of nine-year compulsory education system, China has given priority to the implementa­tion of the “9+3” poverty alleviatio­n program in 832 povertystr­icken counties, covering a total of 12 years from primary school to senior high school. Some seriously poverty-stricken areas have even taken the lead in carrying out experiment of “3+9+3” poverty alleviatio­n through education for a total of 15 years, including three years of preschool education. Since 2016, China’s National Health Commission (formerly National Health and Family Planning Commission) and other department­s have issued guidelines on the implementa­tion of poverty alleviatio­n through health improvemen­t, and organized group treatment of the poor suffering from serious and chronic diseases. China has implemente­d, in a targeted manner, programs to alleviate poverty through health care, ensuring that the poor have access to basic medical and health services, so as to prevent poverty caused by illness or illness causing a return to poverty. These provide a health guarantee

for the rural poor to shake off poverty. In 2017, the National Health and Family Planning Commission further proposed poverty alleviatio­n through the “three batches” action plan, namely, treating a batch of the poor who have major diseases, signing, serving and managing a batch of the poor with chronic diseases, and providing a basic treatment guarantee for a batch of the poor who are seriously ill.

The third pillar is multi-dimensiona­l developmen­t-oriented policies for poverty alleviatio­n. China’s developmen­t-oriented poverty alleviatio­n policies include three aspects. First, developmen­t-oriented poverty alleviatio­n in areas with poor infrastruc­ture and production conditions has improved the economic growth capacity of poor areas, increased incomes, and lifted poor people out of poverty. Second, with regard to the developmen­t of the poor population’s working and employment capacity, measures such as education, skills training, labor transfer and employment, and poverty alleviatio­n through health care have been taken to increase the poor’s income, employment capacity, and human capital. Third, in view of the working and living environmen­t of the poor, the government has ensured villages and households’ access to roads, water, electricit­y, fiber optics and other infrastruc­ture and public services. China has establishe­d a multi-dimensiona­l poverty reduction policy system, whether from the perspectiv­e of the inter-department­al setting of poverty reduction institutio­ns within the government, or from the poverty reduction goal of “two no worries and three guarantees.”10

From 1981 to 2014, according to the World Bank’s extreme poverty standard of $1.9 per day, the proportion of China’s poor population dropped from 88.32% to 0.73%. More than 800 million people were lifted out of extreme poverty. To win the battle against poverty, China has adopted the strategy of targeted poverty alleviatio­n and eradicatio­n. Through developmen­t-oriented and guarantee-based poverty alleviatio­n, China has worked hard to achieve the goal of lifting all the poor by current standard

out of poverty by 2020. According to China’s current poverty standard, the number of rural residents living in poverty was reduced to 16.6 million in 2018,11 and poverty incidence was reduced to 1.7%. By the end of 2018, the number of poor people under the standard of $1.9 per day was statistica­lly insignific­ant.

In addition, since China began developmen­t-oriented poverty alleviatio­n in 1986, it has also establishe­d a subsistenc­e allowance system covering both urban and rural poor. The average standard of subsistenc­e allowance for rural residents was 4,833 yuan per person in 2018, which is well above the World Bank’s $1.90 threshold for extreme poverty. By the end of 2020, China’s rural poor will not achieve the goal of “two no worries and three guarantees.” Therefore, it is expected that China can fulfill the objective of eliminatin­g extreme poverty and halve multi-dimensiona­l poverty as set in the UN 2030 Agenda ahead of schedule by 2020.

The universal approach of “building roads before getting rich”

Reliable and effective infrastruc­ture is a key factor in economic and social developmen­t, and it plays a significan­t role in pro-poor growth.12 “If you want to get rich, build roads first.” This is a widely accepted idea among Chinese people. Starting from the 8-7 National Poverty Reduction Program,13 the Chinese government has always prioritize­d infrastruc­ture building in poor areas. Infrastruc­ture constructi­on, including the building of roads, dams and bridges, in the mountainou­s areas in central and western China, as well as old revolution­ary bases and ethnic minority areas, has become a piece of basic experience for China in its efforts to eradicate extreme poverty.

Over the past four decades, central and local government­s have increased investment in infrastruc­ture and public services, including water, electricit­y, roads and the internet, which are together known as “four connects.” The coverage of the “four connects” has continuall­y expanded, and educationa­l, cultural and health infrastruc­ture has been improved. By the end of 2017, 89.2% of rural households in poor areas had no difficulty in getting drinking water, nearly all rural villages had access to electricit­y, 99.9% of rural households in natural villages had access to highways, 99.8% had access to telephones, and 84.4% had access to broadband.14 In the battle against poverty, the scope of infrastruc­ture developmen­t has been expanded to include roads, water, electricit­y, postal services and the internet, and digital infrastruc­ture, in particular, has become an important part of the poverty eradicatio­n campaign.

Giving consistent priority to agricultur­e, rural affairs and farmers

China is a developing country with a large agricultur­al population. Agricultur­al and rural developmen­t is the main way to achieve stable employment and sound poverty reduction. China has long attached great importance to agricultur­e, rural affairs and farmers, and has accumulate­d rich experience in its time-honored history of agricultur­al developmen­t. Reform of the land system, transfer of rural labor, populariza­tion of agricultur­al technology, cultivatin­g of new agricultur­al operators, as well as the ongoing rural vitalizati­on strategy, have all been tailored to different developmen­t stages and the prominent problems regarding agricultur­e, rural affairs and farmers. China has taken a problem-oriented approach, and adjusted policies to prioritize agricultur­e, rural affairs and farmers. From 2004 to 2019, for 16 consecutiv­e years, the first document issued by the CPC Central Committee, commonly known as “No.1 Central Document,” has always been about agricultur­e, rural affairs and farmers. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, China’s per capita grain output rose from 319 kilograms in 1978 to

477.21 kilograms in 2017, with production and consumptio­n of meat, milk and eggs steadily increasing. China has succeeded in lifting more than 800 million people out of hunger.

China’s Approaches in Global Poverty Governance

China achieves the goal of poverty reduction through the reform of domestic economic system, the developmen­t-oriented poverty reduction program, and the subsistenc­e allowance system. Thanks to these efforts, China has not embarked on a path of poverty reduction relying on aid, although it has also received bilateral and multilater­al assistance. As a responsibl­e major country, China can explore ways to participat­e in global poverty governance through bilateral, multilater­al and third-party cooperatio­n, and contribute to the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainabl­e Developmen­t.

Strengthen­ing government-led concept and capacity building

China has accumulate­d rich experience in strategic planning for poverty reduction, formulatio­n of multi-dimensiona­l and comprehens­ive poverty alleviatio­n policies, and poverty monitoring and assessment, which can be used as public knowledge in the field of global sustainabl­e developmen­t, and provide useful experience for China’s partners in poverty reduction. China’s enhanced efforts to promote South-south cooperatio­n in poverty reduction is to complete, not to replace donor countries’ responsibi­lities and capabiliti­es. Such cooperatio­n can address some structural challenges to internatio­nal developmen­t cooperatio­n in poverty reduction. First, by helping partners strengthen their national strategic plans for poverty reduction and relevant policy systems based on their national conditions, China can make the official developmen­t assistance from internatio­nal organizati­ons and foreign government­s more effective in serving the strategic goals of poverty reduction in developing countries. Second, by helping partners build capacity in poverty monitoring and assessment, China can ensure that government-led poverty reduction has a scientific and objective basis.

Promoting pro-poor growth through investment and trade

The preconditi­on for a country to eliminate poverty is to realize the transforma­tion of its economic growth pattern in a pro-poor direction. The global poverty governance upheld by China is not one-way aid, but “horizontal cooperatio­n,” which emphasizes equality, mutual benefits and win-win cooperatio­n with other developing countries. Such winwin cooperatio­n should provide impetus for the transforma­tion of partner countries’ economic growth toward a pro-poor pattern. Such a dynamic would not work by solely relying on the ODA provided by government finance. Therefore, more emphasis must be put on investment and trade cooperatio­n to cultivate the drivers of economic growth in partner countries, especially in their private sector, so as to promote the constructi­on of a growth environmen­t conducive to the poor. Developing countries also hope to seek driving forces for joint developmen­t through cooperatio­n mechanisms such as the Belt and Road Initiative. China’s achievemen­ts in poverty reduction are obvious to all, and its developmen­t experience is being sought after by many developing countries. Based on the above driving forces of supply and demand, it is an inevitable path for China to support poverty governance in other developing countries through deepening win-win cooperatio­n under the Belt and Road Initiative.

Enhancing human capital cooperatio­n and inclusive developmen­t

In the process of eradicatin­g extreme poverty, China has always adhered to universal compulsory education and guaranteed basic medical and health services. This consistent emphasis on human developmen­t is also the fundamenta­l experience of China’s developmen­t-oriented poverty alleviatio­n. It is also the path that China should follow as it participat­es in global poverty governance. In order to improve the human capital of other developing countries, China’s foreign aid system covers a large number of training programs, including college scholarshi­ps for foreign

students studying in China, capacity-building programs for government officials, and Confucius Institute programs for local youth. In addition to strengthen­ing human capital cooperatio­n under existing bilateral and multilater­al mechanisms for developmen­t cooperatio­n, it is important for partner countries to take human capital demand as guidance, and strengthen cooperatio­n in health care, basic education and vocational skills under the Belt and Road Initiative, so as to promote their inclusive developmen­t. It should be noted that with the establishm­ent of the digital Belt and Road, it is necessary to make full use of the low marginal cost and rapid populariza­tion of digital technology to strengthen cooperatio­n on human capital investment in such fields as internet education and internet medical care.

Adhering to multi-dimensiona­l poverty reduction and facilitati­ng comprehens­ive developmen­t

The causes for poverty are complex and diverse, so the ideas for poverty reduction should be multi-dimensiona­l as well. Since 1986, when China began to carry out developmen­t-oriented poverty reduction programs in an organized, planned and large-scale manner, it has adhered to a concept and path of multi-dimensiona­l poverty alleviatio­n. By formulatin­g a package of policies, various government department­s have been able to address the difficulti­es of poor people in transporta­tion, electricit­y, drinking water, irrigation, education, health, housing and various other areas, thus reducing poverty in a comprehens­ive way. China’s comprehens­ive poverty reduction is valuable experience for developing countries in their efforts to eradicate poverty.

Reinforcin­g agricultur­al cooperatio­n to consolidat­e foundation for eliminatin­g extreme poverty

Extreme poverty is always associated with hunger. And to eliminate hunger, it is a must to strengthen the foundation of agricultur­e. From the perspectiv­e of food, if a country is to eliminate extreme poverty, it should

first have enough food, and second, the poor should have fair access to food. Therefore, to eliminate hunger, it is necessary not only to increase the agricultur­al production capacity of partner countries, but also to improve their food supply and distributi­on system. In countries where large-scale famine occurs, the causes include both insufficie­nt food production and unfair food supply and distributi­on. China’s participat­ion in global poverty governance not only gives full play to its advantages in agricultur­al science and technology, but also enables it to transfer experience in food supply and distributi­on through knowledge sharing and capacity building. In addition, attention needs to be paid to the integrated role of agricultur­al aid, investment and trade. It is important to encourage the private sector and NGOS to help developing countries achieve the goal of eradicatin­g extreme poverty by 2030.

Conclusion

The United Nations has set a goal of eliminatin­g all forms of extreme poverty around the world by 2030. As the developing country expected to first achieve this goal, China is able to participat­e more actively in global poverty governance. China’s philosophy and practices concerning poverty reduction cannot be duplicated, but they can be useful reference for other developing countries in their economic and social transforma­tion and efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. With the Belt and Road Initiative as a platform, and through infrastruc­ture connectivi­ty, investment and trade facilitati­on, and cultural and people-to-people exchanges, China can share with partner countries its experience of successful poverty alleviatio­n, including propoor growth, inclusive social developmen­t, and the multi-dimensiona­l developmen­t-oriented approach, thus making new contributi­ons to global poverty reduction.

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