China International Studies (English)

The ROK’S Assessment of and Response to China-us Trade Friction

- Liu Rongrong & Sun Ru

China-us trade friction has brought significan­t economic challenges and spillover effects on the diplomacy and security of the ROK, an important trading partner for both China and the United States. While the ROK has taken countermea­sures to reduce negative impacts and expand its strategic maneuverin­g space, China should actively expand cooperatio­n with the ROK to promote high-level regional integratio­n.

The Republic of Korea (ROK) is the world’s seventh largest exporter. Given the country’s high dependence on foreign trade, it has been deeply affected by the China-us trade friction. China is the ROK’S largest trading partner and the ROK is China’s third largest trading partner; the United States is the ROK’S third largest trading partner and the ROK is the United States’ sixth largest trading partner. As a strategic partner of China and an ally of the US in the Asia-pacific region, the ROK is both a bystander and an important stakeholde­r in the China-us trade friction. Therefore, the country’s assessment of and response to the China-us trade friction can be an important reference for an in-depth understand­ing of the friction’s impact and for a proper response of China to trade pressure from the US.

The ROK’S View of China-us Trade Friction

The ROK is sensitive to changes in China-us relations, and therefore it pays more attention as trade friction between the two countries intensifie­s. The ROK’S view on the China-us trade friction mainly includes the following aspects.

US motivation­s to provoke trade friction

First, the direct causes of the China-us trade friction are the structural contradict­ions between the two countries in the economic field, including

Liu Rongrong is Assistant Researcher and Postdoctor­al Fellow at the School of Foreign Studies, Shandong University, and a researcher at the Trilateral Cooperatio­n Studies Center of Shandong University; Sun Ru is Senior Research Fellow at China Institutes of Contempora­ry Internatio­nal Relations (CICIR).

disputes over intellectu­al property policies and developmen­t patterns, divergence of financial and exchange rate policies, and the challenge posed by Chinese industrial plans such as “Made in China 2025” to US technologi­cal superiorit­y. The United States’ longstandi­ng huge trade deficit with China is only the trigger of tensions.

Second, US domestic politics have exacerbate­d the China-us trade friction. US President Donald Trump has put unpreceden­ted pressure on China over trade, which is closely related to his own governing style and the changing domestic politics. First, Trump and his cabinet mostly hold trade protection­ist and neo-mercantili­st ideas, and blame the US economic downturn and unemployme­nt on the “wrong” trade policy. They campaigned heavily on bringing manufactur­ing jobs back to the US by narrowing trade deficits. With few people friendly to China on the team, the Trump administra­tion is keen to play up the “China threat.” Second, Trump has deliberate­ly provoked trade friction out of domestic concerns. Trade is a card for Trump to manipulate domestic politics. Blaming “China’s unfair trade” can help gain the support of blue-collar Americans. Third, Trump’s personal style and negotiatin­g tactics have intensifie­d the China-us trade friction.

Third, the deep-seated reason behind the friction is the China-us hegemonic competitio­n. To sustain its economic strength and technologi­cal leadership, which underpins its hegemony, the United States has refused to provide public goods and undermined its long-held liberal economy, while pursuing a mercantili­st trade policy that protects domestic industries and increases exports. In turn, China, as an emerging power, has taken countermea­sures against the US to ensure the security and developmen­t of its capital, market and technology. In the ROK’S view, the China-us trade friction is not purely a trade issue, but inevitably a structural manifestat­ion of the transfer of power.

It is also argued that the trade friction is not caused by the structural contradict­ions of the two economies nor by hegemonic competitio­n, but rather by increasing competitio­n between the two political systems.

The US had previously accepted China in the hope that China would gradually be “assimilate­d” into the Western world in terms of its political and economic system. However, in recent years, there has been widespread recognitio­n that a rising China is unlikely to emulate the Western model. A competitio­n between the two political systems is inevitable, and hence a new rhetoric about being “tough” on China has unfurled throughout the political discourse in the US. Trump’s China policy captures precisely this fundamenta­l change.

Features of China-us trade friction

First, economic and trade competitio­n has for the first time become a major area of China-us strategic competitio­n. With economic interdepen­dence and nuclear balance featuring “mutually assured destructio­n,” hegemonic competitio­n today is different from that in the Cold War era, and is based more on economic and scientific power than on political and military might. To this end, the Trump administra­tion invoked Section 232 of the US Trade Expansion Act to exert pressure on China’s trade, accusing China’s products of “weakening the US economy” and “threatenin­g US national security.” It can be seen that the US has handled trade issues from a national security perspectiv­e.

Second, science and technology, as well as finance, are core areas of the China-us trade friction. Science and technology is the key to securing economic dominance and hegemony. The US has been the world’s leading producer of high-tech products, but China is closing the gap with the US as its technologi­cal competitiv­eness rises rapidly. Provoking trade friction for the US is less about its trade deficit with China and more about China’s threat to US technologi­cal superiorit­y posed by Chinese intellectu­al property policies and industrial policies such as “Made in China 2025.” Judging from the Trump administra­tion’s requiremen­ts during Chinaus trade negotiatio­ns, the US would prefer that China fundamenta­lly change its trade and industrial policy and even the political and economic system, so as to halt the developmen­t of China’s high-tech industries and

arrest China’s growth momentum, thereby maintainin­g US technologi­cal competitiv­eness and superiorit­y in future economic competitio­n. In addition, finance is another core area of the China-us trade friction. The US survives on the financial industry, and two-thirds of the world’s foreign capital is American. In the 1980s, the United States beat Japan economical­ly, not by trade pressure but by the Plaza Accord, which caused the Japanese yen to appreciate sharply and then triggered crisis in Japan. Therefore, the ultimate goal for the US in exerting economic and trade pressure is to promote the full opening of China’s financial and foreign exchange markets, control China’s financial lifeblood, and promote the appreciati­on of the renminbi to gain the maximum benefit.

Third, the China-us trade friction has affected many areas badly and even spilled over into other areas. The intertwini­ng and linkage between the multiple areas in turn brings great uncertaint­y to trade negotiatio­ns. Before the Trump administra­tion, China-us relations were both competitiv­e and cooperativ­e with limited trade friction and timely mutual compromise. The ROK believes that the China-us trade friction provoked by the Trump administra­tion has not only affected trade but also increased pressure on China with regard to currency, investment, finance, resources and energy, rules and standards, the World Trade Organizati­on (WTO) reform, regional economic cooperatio­n, and economic developmen­t model. The US has also proposed its geopolitic­al strategy in the Indo-pacific and stepped up pressure on China on the Taiwan question and issues related to Hong Kong, Xinjiang, the South China Sea, human rights, the military, and the political system. China-us competitio­n has had a spillover effect and has expanded from the economic sphere to a broader arena.

Prospects for China-us trade friction

Most people in the ROK believe that China and the US both need a temporary truce to adjust the rhythm of strategic competitio­n, and that the first phase of the China-us trade agreement or the so-called “mini deal” will remain effective in 2020. One reason is that China needs economic

stability and sustained growth. The ROK believes that there is still a wide gap between China and the developed countries such as the US in terms of its composite national power, technologi­cal strength, and governance capacity, and thus it is difficult for China to gain the advantage in the trade friction or to pose a substantia­l challenge to the Us-led internatio­nal political and economic order. Moreover, the increasing downward pressure on China’s economy requires the country to ease the trade frictions and ensure economic developmen­t. The phase one trade agreement brings benefits to China: China’s imports of US agricultur­al products can stabilize its domestic market; the opening of financial and service industries, protecting intellectu­al property rights, and the increasing transparen­cy of monetary policy are also conducive to China’s ongoing structural reforms; it can also curb the formation of an anti-china alliance between the US, Europe, Japan and other Western societies while easing US pressure on China’s rise if China increases transparen­cy in its economic system and developmen­t, and integrates into the internatio­nal community with a higher level of openingup.

Another reason is that the US also wants to ease trade tensions with China and secure its economic stability. In particular, the upcoming 2020 presidenti­al election allows no leeway for Trump to put massive trade pressure on China. The Trump administra­tion hopes to avoid economic turmoil and make headway in trade talks with China, thereby demonstrat­ing Trump to be the right person to resolve the trade friction and win reelection. As a result, the China-us trade friction will continue through 2020 but not intensify as it did in 2019. The two sides will reach a partial compromise.

However, there are also pessimisti­c views that the phase one trade agreement might fail in the short term and Trump is highly likely to escalate trade friction during the election season. The COVID-19 outbreak has greatly affected China’s domestic consumptio­n and production and will possibly reduce its willingnes­s to implement the agreement. Moreover, if Trump is re-elected and the US economy maintains good momentum, the US is bound to put more pressure on China’s economy and trade.

As for the long-term prospects of the trade friction and the broader China-us relations, most people in the ROK believe that structural contradict­ions between the two countries will persist, and their trade friction and competitio­n in many areas will continue. According to a report by the ROK Ministry of Economy and Finance in September 2019, the Chinaus competitio­n for hegemony will not be affected by the result of the US presidenti­al election in 2020. The general trend of US containmen­t of China will not change regardless of whether the Democrats or the Republican­s win. According to a survey, 68.9 percent of respondent­s believe that a phase two China-us trade deal will take a long time. One reason is that it is difficult for both countries to make sharp reductions in their trade deficits, which is determined by their different industrial structures and developmen­t stages. China will not meet all the US demands on its economic reform because that would undermine the country’s fundamenta­l political and economic system, nor will China abandon its industrial policy or cutting-edge technology associated with the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Their race for technologi­cal hegemony will continue for a long time. Another reason is that the Chinaus hegemonic competitio­n and power transfer is unlikely to end in the short term. The US perception of China as a strategic competitor determines its long-term strategy of containing China, which will level up as their gap in economic power narrows.

There are even views that the China-us economic competitio­n is subverting the existing global and regional order and bringing a new era of chaos and uncertaint­y. With the prolonged trade dispute, the two countries are promoting exclusive trade agreements and separate industrial chains, heading toward a bipolar pattern in the world economy with more independen­t markets and economic circles. It will reduce Chinaus interdepen­dence and increase the risk of economic decoupling if their commercial cooperatio­n as a ballast is undermined. A complete decoupling can even lead to a new Cold War featuring multifacet­ed confrontat­ion in terms of the military, political system, ideology, and civilizati­on. There are other opinions that the traditiona­l framework for China-us relations is

unlikely to endure and a new and stable model is being built, but a new Cold War is never the answer. A new Cold War is only possible when the two countries completely abandon cooperatio­n and engage in full-scale confrontat­ion in political, security, economic and other areas as the US and the Soviet Union did. But with a high level of economic interdepen­dence, the United States despite its comparativ­e advantage cannot fully confront China. China also attaches more importance to sustainabl­e developmen­t and has no intention of confrontin­g the US. Notwithsta­nding possible intense competitio­n in the future, the two sides can always cooperate.

The impact of trade friction on China and the US

In the ROK’S view, the United States has stronger national strength and basic technologi­cal advantage, and can use plenty of hegemonic and policy tools. In recent years, the shale revolution in particular has provided ample impetus for the US economic recovery. In bilateral trade, China is asymmetric­ally dependent on the US, with China’s exports to the US accounting for 4.4 percent of China’s GDP and US exports to China accounting for only 0.96 percent of the American GDP; the US also possesses core technologi­es needed by China, while China’s countermea­sures are mainly directed at US agricultur­al products. These set the stage for a tough US economic and trade policy towards China. The trade friction, however, has also done great damage to the US itself. As a Chinese saying goes, “One must prepare to lose eight hundred of their own in order to kill one thousand of the enemy’s men.”

First, imposing additional tariffs on China has endangered internatio­nal industrial chains and caused significan­t economic damage to many countries, and ultimately to the US economy. In global industrial chains, China imports many intermedia­te products for processing and then exports final products to countries such as the US, which is to say, intermedia­te products from other countries also contribute to China’s surplus to the US. Other countries earning dollars in the process put the money back into US capital markets, but the amount is greatly reduced due to the China-us trade war,

which ultimately hurts the US economy. Thus, the trade deficit is not a “fair” metric for whether trade is fair or not. It exaggerate­s the actual deficit and fails to reflect the overall situation of bilateral trade.

Second, the trade friction provoked by the Trump administra­tion has bypassed the WTO, undermined the multilater­al trading system, violated the basic norms of internatio­nal trade and WTO regulation­s, and in turn damaged the US leadership and global credibilit­y. “America First” marks the country’s transforma­tion into a “predatory” hegemon, which, in the long run, will lead to a decline in US influence in East Asia and an increase in China’s regional influence. The political and economic order in East Asia is undergoing a major adjustment.

The trade friction has also had adverse effects on China. First, it has restricted China’s foreign trade. China’s exports to the US are much higher than US exports to China, and the trade friction is more detrimenta­l to China. Second, it challenges China’s policy support for foreign investment. To avoid high tariffs, many foreign companies have moved their factories to Southeast Asian countries. Foreign direct investment (FDI) as a key driver of China’s economic growth may be affected, and China may lose some ground in the global value chain (GVC). Third, China’s financial market is under tremendous pressure from the trade friction, where excessive government debt, corporate debt and household debt have become a destabiliz­ing factor. Fourth, the US crackdown on China’s high-tech industries may slow the pace of technologi­cal upgrading as is called for in “Made in China 2025.”

That said, China has its own advantages to help it overcome the difficulti­es. Politicall­y, the centralize­d, unified leadership of the Communist Party of China is conducive to maintainin­g social stability, handling domestic divergence and jointly dealing with external pressures, while the US has different parties and interest groups with different views on economic and trade policies towards China; economical­ly, China’s large amount of US treasuries is also an important tool. The country also enjoys a monopoly in rare earths and other important resources and materials, and has made progress in the independen­t developmen­t of 5G, artificial intelligen­ce (AI)

and other cutting-edge technologi­es. China’s supply-side structural reform has also reduced its economic dependence on foreign trade.

Impact of China-us Trade Friction on the ROK

China-us trade friction and their intensifyi­ng competitio­n have both positive and negative effects on the ROK, though largely negative. The ROK’S hedging strategy of “economic dependence on China and security dependence on the US” has been shaken. The prolonged economic and trade friction brings great uncertaint­y to the ROK’S geopolitic­al and economic environmen­t, and challenges its economy and diplomacy in the medium and long term.

Negative impacts on the ROK’S economy

The negative impact of China-us trade friction on the ROK’S economy has three main aspects.

First, the ROK’S exports have taken a hit. The country’s export-oriented economy is vulnerable to the trade friction. In 2018, the ROK’S foreign trade dependence reached 68.8 percent, of which 26.8 percent is dependent on China and 12 percent on the US. China and the US are the ROK’S first and second largest export destinatio­ns. Compared to the ROK, Japan being an export-oriented country has a foreign trade dependence of only 28.1 percent, and its export dependence on China is 19.5 percent. In Germany and France, the figure is only 7.1 percent and 4.2 percent respective­ly. According to the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund (IMF), for every one percent increase in global tariffs, the ROK’S GDP growth will be reduced by 0.65 percent; for every one percentage point of decrease in China’s economic growth, the ROK’S GDP growth will be reduced by a half percentage point. Since the trade friction, ROK exports have declined for 13 consecutiv­e months from December 2018, and in 2019, the ROK’S exports declined the most among the world’s top ten trading nations. According to the ROK’S customs data, the country’s total trade in 2019 was $1.456 trillion, down 8.3 percent year-on-year; exports were $542.41 billion, down 10.3 percent year-on-year; exports to China were

$136.21 billion, down 16.0 percent year-on-year, a bigger drop compared to that of Germany, Japan, Britain, and China’s Hong Kong. In particular, the ROK’S trade surplus with China fell 51.7 percent, the largest drop since the 2008 financial crisis. Pursuant to the China-us phase one trade deal, China will increase its imports of US goods and services by $200 billion, which, according to IMF, will lead to a reduction in China’s imports from other countries including the ROK. If China fails to expand domestic demand, the ROK’S exports are expected to fall by $46 billion and its share of total world exports will fall below three percent for the first time in 11 years.

The ROK’S exports have been heavily affected by the China-us trade friction due to the country’s position in global value and industrial chains as well as its unbalanced export structure. In the global industrial chain and specializa­tion structure, the ROK’S exports are dominated by semiconduc­tors, steel, machinery, and petrochemi­cal products. About ten varieties of intermedia­te materials such as semiconduc­tors (mainly memory

chips), components, and petrochemi­cals account for more than 70 percent of the country’s exports. The increase in US tariffs on China has led to a major reduction in the ROK’S exports of semiconduc­tors to China. In 2019, Samsung Electronic­s, a major exporter of semiconduc­tors, saw the largest drop of annual profit in ten years, and the ROK’S economy suffered serious “internal injuries.” By contrast, the external trade of Japan and China’s Taiwan is less affected by the China-us trade friction than that of the ROK, because their export structure is more balanced and supported by multiple pillars.

Second, China may accelerate the implementa­tion of “Made in China 2025” and industrial upgrading in response to the trade friction, which will further reduce the ROK’S technologi­cal advantage. The technologi­cal gap between China and the ROK has narrowed dramatical­ly, with China surpassing the ROK in AI, the Internet of Things (IOT), 5G, and services. This has led to fears within the ROK that it would become China’s “economic vassal state.”

Third, large companies in the ROK are under pressure to choose sides. Giants that control almost half of the ROK’S economy including Samsung, LG, and SK have close business ties with both the US and China. As the trade friction intensifie­s, these companies are forced to take sides. The US government has repeatedly threatened that it will not maintain close cooperatio­n with the ROK as it does now, if the ROK continues to use Huawei’s 5G equipment. The US has been pressing the ROK government not to use Huawei’s equipment and services over security concerns. If the ROK bans Huawei, the ROK companies will lose billions of dollars. At the same time, China’s National Developmen­t and Reform Commission, the Ministry of Commerce and the Ministry of Industry and Informatio­n Technology warned that if foreign enterprise­s, as requested by the Trump administra­tion, interrupt the supply of spare parts to Chinese enterprise­s, they will be listed as “unreliable entities.” Once included, the enterprise’s market access, investment, and financing will all be affected. Foreign companies summoned for meetings with Chinese authoritie­s have included the ROK’S Samsung and SK Hynix. The ROK is worried about being caught

between China and the United States again, as in the case of the deployment of the THAAD missile defense system, and suffering economic losses.

Under the influence of adverse factors above, the ROK’S economy has suffered a lot. According to data by the Bank of Korea, the ROK’S economic growth rate in 2019 is only two percent, the lowest level since the 2008 financial crisis. According to statistics from the IMF and the Woori Finance Research Institute, the ROK is the country hardest hit in the China-us trade friction. “The ROK’S current economic situation is similar to that during the 2008 global financial crisis and the dot-com bubble burst in the early 2000s.” The prolonged trade friction and the unstable US financial market will rattle the ROK’S stock market. Coupled with the deteriorat­ing performanc­e of its export companies, the ROK’S economy may enter choppy waters.

Opportunit­ies for the ROK’S economy

While the ROK’S economy has been badly affected by the China-us trade friction, there are new opportunit­ies in certain areas.

First, as increasing tariffs on China changes the US supply chain, some ROK products become more competitiv­e in the US market. In 2019, while the ROK’S total exports fell by 10.3 percent year-on-year, exports to the US rose by 0.9 percent against the trend, with growth mainly in China’s beleaguere­d industries such as automobile­s, machinery, plastic products, electrical and electronic products, and petroleum products. In particular, the annual growth rate of the ROK’S auto exports rose from -1.9 percent in 2018 to 5.3 percent in 2019, among which exports to the US increased by 15 percent and led to the highest share in the American market since 2016; exports of auto parts to the US rose by 4.0 percent despite a fall by 2.5 percent in overall exports; total exports of petroleum products fell by 12.3 percent, but the exports to the US rose significan­tly by 23.6 percent; total exports of home appliances fell by 3.6 percent, but its exports to the US rose by 15.3 percent.

Second, the US crackdown on “Made in China 2025” and China’s hightech industries help ensure the ROK’S technologi­cal superiorit­y. In recent

years, China has accelerate­d its economic transforma­tion and upgrading, and its industrial gap with the ROK has narrowed considerab­ly. The two economies are becoming less complement­ary and more competitiv­e. The gap in core technology between the two countries has decreased from 1.4 years in 2014 to 1 year in 2016, with the ROK’S major export sectors gradually losing competitiv­eness to Chinese companies. Aimed to achieve self-sufficienc­y in core components and raw materials, “Made in China 2025” has the greatest impact on manufactur­ing countries such as the ROK and Germany. According to statistics, since Korea’s manufactur­ing sector accounts for 32 percent of its GDP and high-tech industry accounts for 67 percent of its manufactur­ing, the ROK is considered to be the country most affected by “Made in China 2025,” compared to other countries like Germany and Japan. Tech companies in the ROK have benefited from the trade friction since it has temporaril­y slowed the pace of China’s technologi­cal upgrade. For example, ROK companies were at a disadvanta­ge in competitio­n with Huawei in the fields of mobile phones and communicat­ions equipment, but after Huawei was suppressed by the US government, ROK companies such as Samsung reemerged in the global competitio­n for 5G chips, mobile phones and communicat­ions equipment. Samsung shares even rose sharply after Google announced a supply cut to Huawei.

Third, the ROK will also benefit from the Chinese government’s repeated promises to protect intellectu­al property rights, deepen openingup, lower market access thresholds, and increase imports. China agreed to sign the WTO Agreement on Government Procuremen­t (GPA) as soon as possible, and allow foreign enterprise­s to enter the government procuremen­t market, while gradually opening its financial, banking, securities, insurance, and services industries. The Chinese market will be more open and the system more transparen­t after the signing of the China-us trade agreement, which can also provide opportunit­ies for ROK companies.

Spillover effects on the ROK’S diplomacy and security

The China-us trade friction has spillover effects on the diplomatic and

security spheres, and significan­tly squeezes the ROK’S space of a strategic hedge between China and the US. The US has asked the ROK to counter China, join the Indo-pacific strategy, increase military cost-sharing, deploy medium-range missiles, and participat­e in the US escort in the Strait of Hormuz. China, for its part, has asked the ROK not to join the US in containing China. The deployment of the THAAD system had already led to a downturn in China-rok relations and taken a heavy toll on the ROK’S economy, so the ROK is very cautious in dealing with China. This has led to a decline in the ROK’S importance in the United States’ East Asia strategy, while Japan’s position has been increasing­ly consolidat­ed. The US-JAPANROK cooperatio­n has gradually given way to Us-japan-india cooperatio­n. With the ROK’S rising divergence with the US and Japan, the US and Japan have simultaneo­usly increased pressure on the ROK. Japan saw its chance in the ROK’S passive regional strategy and hence provoked trade friction against the ROK.

The China-us trade friction has also weakened their previous incentive to cooperate and resolve the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue, creating structural constraint­s on the permanent peace and security of the Korean Peninsula. Amid increased competitio­n between China and the US, the Moon Jae-in administra­tion has advocated a policy of engagement with the DPRK, which is at odds with the Trump administra­tion’s approach featuring maximum pressure and limited engagement. As the US hampered the ROK’S efforts to promote inter-korean political and economic cooperatio­n, the ROK again received a cold shoulder from the DPRK in 2019 and lost the role it enjoyed in 2018 as the helm of the nuclear issue.

The ROK’S Policy Options to Address China-us Trade Friction

Faced with the prolonged trade friction and strategic competitio­n between China and the US, the ROK has taken a series of countermea­sures to reduce negative economic impacts as well as diplomatic and security constraint­s, and has actively expanded its economic and strategic maneuverin­g space.

Actively adjusting economic policies

The ROK has pursued active fiscal and monetary policies to adjust its economic structure and expand the domestic market.

First, the ROK has implemente­d active fiscal and monetary policies. In response to the global economic downturn and in order to support the weak economy, the ROK National Assembly urgently passed a supplement­al budget worth 5.83 trillion won (about US$4.885 billion) in August 2019, and in December, the ROK approved a largest-ever government budget for 2020 worth 512.3 trillion won (about $434.4 billion), up by more than nine percent year-on-year for the second consecutiv­e year. The ROK Financial Services Commission also cut the benchmark interest rate by 0.25 percentage point twice in July and October 2019.

Second, the ROK has provided financial and government assistance for export companies. In March 2019, the ROK Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy issued a document to stimulate the vitality of export. The country is determined to secure new progress in export categories, markets, and enterprise­s, improve export structure and quality, and expand government assistance to trade, finance, and overseas marketing. The scale of government assistance was increased to 235 trillion won (about $196.9 billion) for trade and finance and 352.8 billion won (about $296 million) for overseas marketing in 2019. The figures will be further increased to 257 trillion won (about $215.3 billion) and 511.2 billion won (about $428 million) respective­ly in 2020, benefiting 42,273 export enterprise­s, which account for 45 percent of all export companies.

Third, the ROK has worked to adjust its economic structure, promote industrial upgrading, and enhance the competitiv­eness of its products in the global market. As the global trade environmen­t continues to deteriorat­e, the ROK no longer focuses only on increasing total exports, but has also encouraged the production of high value-added products as the upstream of the overall industrial chain. The ROK government plans to invest a budget of 2.1 trillion won (about $1.76 billion) in 2020 to support high

tech industries such as high-end materials, core components, advanced equipment, semiconduc­tors, blockchain, digital economy, and AI, and promote technologi­cal developmen­t, export, overseas marketing, trade and finance, investment, mergers and acquisitio­ns, and profession­al training for enterprise­s.

Upgrading economic cooperatio­n with China

The majority of the ROK’S companies do not want to abandon the Chinese market despite great pressure from the growing China-us trade friction. China is expected to become the largest market and research base for the ROK, because China maintains social stability with a bright prospect for developmen­t and is at the forefront of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. ROK companies cannot stay ahead of the curve in global competitio­n if they get out of China. Once exiting the Chinese market, they must face a high barrier to re-enter. In the 5G era, the ROK cannot reject those Chinese hightech products that enjoy a large market share.

To this end, the ROK has taken the following measures. First, it has worked to advance negotiatio­ns for a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in services, deepen ties in the industrial chain, and promote high-quality cooperatio­n with China. Second, it has capitalize­d on the convergenc­e of China’s Belt and Road Initiative with its New Southern Policy and the New Northern Policy, and developed third-party markets with China, to expand both sides’ cooperatio­n with other regional countries. Third, ROK companies are encouraged to take advantage of China’s all-round reform and opening-up and enter the Chinese market. The ROK’S financial institutio­ns are actively trying to enter the Chinese financial market and establish independen­t securities (asset operating) or insurance companies in China. Fourth, the ROK avoids taking sides in the China-us technologi­cal competitio­n. On issues such as Huawei and 5G, the ROK government has claimed not to intervene in business activities of any company and emphasized that launching a security review of Huawei’s communicat­ions equipment is not a sign of completely excluding Huawei from the ROK’S 5G constructi­on.

Consolidat­ing and deepening economic and trade relations with the US

Under the US pressure, the ROK has made timely and appropriat­e concession­s to avoid head-on confrontat­ion with the US. In September 2018, when the US wielded its economic clout to other major countries, the ROK was the first to sign an amended FTA with the US. The ROK has made large-scale concession­s to the US, thereby reducing the US economic and trade pressure on itself and avoiding the uncertaint­y of prolonged negotiatio­ns. In 2019, the US again attempted to subvert the existing WTO structure, asking China, India, Brazil and the ROK to give up their status as a developing country. On October 25 of that year, the ROK voluntaril­y renounced its status to avoid becoming a target of the US in the WTO reform. In November of the same year, the ROK and the US reached the first specific agreement on the Indo-pacific strategy, and issued a joint factsheet titled “Working Together to Promote Cooperatio­n between the New Southern Policy and the Indo-pacific Strategy,” with a focus on the economic sphere. The cooperatio­n includes promoting prosperity through cooperatio­n on energy, infrastruc­ture and developmen­t finance, and the digital economy, while ensuring regional peace and security.

ROK companies are also actively entering the US market to replace Chinese products amid the China-us trade friction. The Korea Tradeinves­tment Promotion Agency (KOTRA) has developed four strategies for domestic companies to enter the North American market. The first is to restructur­e the global value chain. ROK companies can actively enter the fields of auto parts, machinery and equipment, and energy equipment, where China’s exports to the US have fallen sharply. The second is to finance exports of biotechnol­ogy, semiconduc­tors, robotics, aviation, and other emerging industries to the US. After Huawei was banned in the US, the US and its allies had a strong demand for wireless communicat­ions and IOT. ROK companies are actively seizing the relevant market share. The third is to help establish brands of ROK companies and improve the quality of exported

goods. The fourth is to attract US investment and entreprene­urship.

Diversifyi­ng trade and investment

The ROK is also actively cooperatin­g with emerging countries and promoting regional economic integratio­n to reduce overdepend­ence on China and the US.

First, the ROK has been diversifyi­ng its economy and export markets, implementi­ng the New Southern Policy and the New Northern Policy, and cooperatin­g with countries in Central and South America and Africa. In September 2017, President Moon Jae-in unveiled the New Northern Policy at the third Eastern Economic Forum in Russia. The plan focuses on the ROK’S cooperatio­n with Russia and the DPRK in the fields of natural gas, railways, ports and harbors, electricit­y, Arctic routes, shipbuildi­ng, and agricultur­e. In November 2017, the Moon Jae-in government formally proposed the New Southern Policy to strengthen economic cooperatio­n with ASEAN and India, and raise the ROK’S economic relations with these countries to the same level as its top diplomatic partners—china, the US, Japan, and Russia. The China-us trade friction has solidified the ROK’S strategy of economic and trade diversific­ation. Moon Jae-in believes that “the ROK and ASEAN are the most suitable partners to jointly boost growth and open the door to the future,” and he has visited all ASEAN countries during his tenure and hosted a special ROK-ASEAN summit in Busan in November 2019. To reduce overdepend­ence on China and avoid the high tariffs imposed by the US on China, ROK companies have shifted their production bases from China to low-cost Southeast Asian countries. In 2018, the ROK’S bilateral trade with ASEAN reached $160 billion, and mutual investment exceeded $10 billion. ASEAN became the ROK’S second-largest trading partner and third-largest investment destinatio­n, and the ROK is ASEAN’S fifth-largest trading partner. ASEAN’S share in the ROK’S exports increased from 11.6 percent in 2000 to 16.5 percent in 2018. There is also an expanding intergover­nmental cooperatio­n ranging from diplomacy, commerce, trade, and investment to infrastruc­ture, culture, defense, and environmen­t.

Second, the ROK has also actively participat­ed in regional economic integratio­n. It upholds the multilater­al trading system and the spirit of free trade, and has actively joined agendas of multilater­al trade such as the WTO reform, APEC, and the G20. The ROK embraces free trade and opposes trade protection­ism. It continues to build a global network of mega-ftas, and follows or participat­es in regional economic integratio­n processes such as the Comprehens­ive and Progressiv­e Agreement for Trans-pacific Partnershi­p (CPTPP), the Regional Comprehens­ive Economic Partnershi­p (RCEP), and the China-japan-rok Free Trade Agreement.

Being more prudent in its hedging strategy

With increased China-us competitio­n, there has been a heated discussion in the ROK about its strategic options. The mainstream view is that the ROK should still adopt a hedging strategy and does not take sides between China and the US, due to its security dependence on the US and economic dependence on China, and also because the ROK needs both China and the US in denucleari­zing the Korean Peninsula and building a peace regime. Moon Jae-in, in his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping, said he hopes there is no need to take sides. On the one hand, the ROK continues to consolidat­e the alliance with the US, responding moderately to US demands on issues such as trade and economic cooperatio­n, military cost-sharing, Persian Gulf cruises, and Indo-pacific strategy, to make sure the US will preserve the alliance. On the other hand, the ROK has learned from the THAAD dispute and improved its relations with China. The China-rok political and economic relations have maintained stable developmen­t. In December 2019, Moon Jae-in visited China and expressed support for China on issues related to Xinjiang and Hong Kong, stressing that the two countries are a “community with a shared future.” More recently, the ROK has strongly supported China in the fight against COVID-19. The two countries have gradually deepened their economic cooperatio­n and coordinate­d their positions on safeguardi­ng the multilater­al trading system, resolving the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue, and

establishi­ng a peace regime for the Peninsula.

In addition, the ROK is seeking more diplomatic space to maneuver through the China-us competitio­n. As China is under US pressure and hopes to enhance relations with its neighborin­g countries, the ROK has taken the opportunit­y and persuaded China to reduce its “countermea­sures” over the THAAD dispute. China and the ROK have strengthen­ed their cooperatio­n in economic issues and the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue. While the Trump administra­tion is constantly pressuring the ROK on trade and military cost-sharing, the ROK is strategica­lly developing its relations with China. Moon Chung-in, the ROK’S Special Advisor to the President, even declared that he would eventually like to see the US-ROK alliance end, to make the US strategic community value US-ROK relations and change the Trump administra­tion’s high-handed policy toward the ROK.

Conclusion

The ROK remains bullish on China’s economy and markets amid intensifyi­ng strategic competitio­n between China and the US. It will continue to seize the opportunit­y of China’s opening-up and upgrade its economic cooperatio­n with China, which lays the foundation for closer bilateral ties. To alleviate the US pressure in the complicate­d and volatile internatio­nal situation, China should actively expand cooperatio­n with various countries including the ROK and ease their concerns about China’s rise and the spillover of greatpower competitio­n, so that they can jointly oppose trade protection­ism and unilateral­ism, defend the Wto-centered internatio­nal economic order, and promote high-level regional integratio­n such as the China-rok FTA, RCEP, and the China-japan-rok Free Trade Area. At the same time, China and the ROK should continue to deepen their strategic partnershi­p, strengthen strategic communicat­ion and political cooperatio­n, enhance coordinati­on on regional hotspots such as the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue, and jointly maintain peace and stability in Northeast Asia.

 ??  ?? The Seventh China Forum is held in Seoul on September 19, 2019. Politician­s and scholars from China and the Republic of Korea call for the two sides to expand new forms of cooperatio­n to tackle trade protection­ism.
The Seventh China Forum is held in Seoul on September 19, 2019. Politician­s and scholars from China and the Republic of Korea call for the two sides to expand new forms of cooperatio­n to tackle trade protection­ism.

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