ChinAfrica

Vacuum of power

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As soon as it became clear that the Gaddafi regime was about to collapse, Libya was almost immediatel­y taken over by armed groups. At the time of Gaddafi’s death, on October 20, 2011, Islamist rebels were prolific. The country imploded, revealing the full extent of the violence of two linked phenomena: tribalism and Islamic fundamenta­lism. The handful of more or less liberal and secular politician­s, who embarked on a pursuit for an idyllic Western style democratic regime, were quickly overwhelme­d by the tsunami of fanatics from another age eager to “rule” the country according to Sharia (Islamic religious law).

Libya quickly became ungovernab­le, and completely unrecogniz­able. Not only had countless armed groups taken over the country, they also began to infiltrate the entire continent and probably, at least in terms of individual­s and of their network, Europe.

If ISIS and other Islamist fanatics were able to take hold of Libya, it is because two groups were fighting for power: an Islamic fundamenta­list government based in Tripoli and the internatio­nally recognized Parliament in Tobruk. Moreover, Libya - like other Arab countries where uprisings occurred since 2011 - has become an open field for rivalries between foreign states, including (but not exclusivel­y) Arab nations. In this fight, each country tries to place its pawns in a way that best serve its interests.

The leadership of ISIS does not hide their intention to use Libya as a base from which they can control North Africa, the Sahel and the Horn of Africa. However, the scale of the problem is much bigger in reality. It covers an area that extends all the way to Mali’s Sahel, which has been under constant threat from the early 2000s by groups of the former Algerian Armed Islamic Group. To the east, Tuareg and Toubou rebels also threaten Chad, not to mention Boko Haram in the southwest. In Niger, extremist groups, expelled from Mali by the French army, have retreated to the Libyan Fezzan, but regularly travel back and forth between Mali and Mauritania through the desert north. very start that it supported the Sarraj government and has reaffirmed its commitment to the unity, independen­ce, territoria­l integrity, and sovereignt­y of Libya, stressing that there can be no military solution to the current crisis in the country. In addition, the AU has welcomed the appointmen­t of former President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania as AU High Representa­tive for Libya as well as the initiative led by AU Chairperso­n President Idriss Deby Itno of Chad, to convene “a meeting of representa­tives of all Libyan stakeholde­rs to address the issue of national reconcilia­tion.” The AU has rejected any external military interferen­ce in the country.

In view of the current situation, Itno’s initiative will most surely be well received. Neverthele­ss, this initiative could be strengthen­ed by securing outside support, especially among Arab countries, some of which have their “favorites” among Libyan stakeholde­rs.

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