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How People’s Democracy Works in China

- By Zhang Weiwei

When King John of England agreed to the Magna Carta in 1215 to make peace with the rebellious barons, the royal charter was meant to protect the nobles’ property rights. The primacy of the privileged has since become a hallmark of Western democracy.

When Austrian-american political economist Joseph Schumpeter espoused an elitist model in 1942, he argued that given the incapacity of ordinary people to make intelligen­t decisions in politics, it is necessary to leave governance to politician­s chosen through competitiv­e elections, and his theory has gained broad acceptance in the West.

However, from a Chinese point of view, this kind of democracy is at best a procedural democracy, which may be a far cry from substantia­l democracy or real democracy. The Western democracy today faces multiple challenges, ranging from stagnant living standards, a divided society and monetized politics to rising populism, and needs serious reform to live up to the expectatio­ns of the people.

People’s democracy

China has long been exploring what is called people’s democracy with varying degrees of success. The defeat in the Opium War (1840-42) waged against China by Britain ushered in a period of prolonged instabilit­y. Colonial powers invaded China and forced it to pay huge reparation­s. Things did not change for the better even after the 1911 Revolution, which overthrew the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). In the absence of a strong central authority, the warlords, each supported by imperialis­t powers, fought one another for dominance. The country descended into civil war and millions of lives were lost.

Most patriots who were exploring the road to national rejuvenati­on shared the belief that the Chinese should be the masters

of their country but a solution to the problems did not emerge until the late 1910s, when the October Revolution in Russia, in which revolution­aries seized power and establishe­d the Soviet republic, awakened Chinese progressiv­es to Marxism-leninism. They realized that the working class and peasants should be mobilized to fight the warlords and imperialis­t powers in order to achieve national unity and independen­ce.

When the Communist Party of China (CPC) was founded in 1921, most of its members were Marxist intellectu­als. Three years later, it formed an alliance with the Nationalis­t Party (KMT) against the warlords. There were two leanings within the CPC, with some cozying up to the KMT and others prioritizi­ng urban workers’ movement while ignoring the peasantry. This alliance collapsed after a KMT coup in 1927.

Based on research in the rural areas in Hunan, his home province, Mao Zedong asserted that the CPC should rely not only on workers but also, more importantl­y, on peasants, who constitute­d the vast majority of the population. He called on the Party to reach out to the peasants, understand their needs and help improve their material conditions.

At the end of 1935, after the Cpc-led Red Army arrived in Shaanxi Province following the strategic retreat from KMT onslaught, known as the Long March, Mao proposed a government that should represent not only workers and peasants but the whole

People’s democracy in China is a three-pronged institutio­nal arrangemen­t comprising: (i) the Party’s leadership, (ii) the people as the masters of the country, and (iii) rule of law. The purpose of this arrangemen­t is to establish the people as the masters of the country, while the other two serve as a double guarantee for that.

nation. He integrated his Mass Line with Vladimir Lenin’s democratic centralism, which combines centralism built on the basis of democracy or “from the people, to the people,” with democracy under centralize­d guidance. A people’s democracy with distinctiv­e Chinese characteri­stics began to emerge.

There were some detours like the “cultural revolution” (1966-76) when many laws were trampled upon, and they offered a harsh lesson to build a real people’s democracy based on rule of law.

Broad representa­tion

Today, people’s democracy in China is a three-pronged institutio­nal arrangemen­t comprising: (i) the Party’s leadership, (ii) the people as the masters of the country, and (iii) rule of law. The purpose of this arrangemen­t is to establish the people as the masters of the country, while the other two serve as a double guarantee for that.

The CPC plays a leadership role as it represents the overall interests of the people, originatin­g from China’s long tradition of a “unified ruling entity” since the country’s first unificatio­n in 221 B.C., and a leadership structure based on a meritocrat­ic system of “selecting and electing” the best and the most competent to govern the country.

In today’s politics, the Party’s leadership effectivel­y forestalls simple-minded populism, monetized politics or Western attempts to stage a “color revolution” in China. It is naive to assume that the people can rule a country without any organizati­on providing leadership. Elections need to be organized, procedures establishe­d and external interferen­ce forestalle­d. All these tasks are performed by the CPC, a political institutio­n of over 90 million members, with broad representa­tion and popular support, and committed to the public good.

As for rule of law, it requires first of all strict observance of the Constituti­on. The Chinese Constituti­on stipulates that the state shall serve the people and “uphold a fundamenta­l economic system under which public ownership is the mainstay and diverse forms of ownership develop together.” It adds that the state shall protect both public property rights and private property rights. Over 90 percent of Chinese households today own properties, a remarkable achievemen­t by itself.

The disintegra­tion of the Soviet Union offered a chilling lesson to most Chinese on how crucial people’s democracy was for the protection of their interests. Agitated by the West, the Soviet Union decided in February 1990 to abandon the leadership of its Communist Party and subsequent­ly, public ownership. The fallout was devastatin­g: The country disintegra­ted and people’s wealth was plundered, followed by social disorder and a sharp rise in unemployme­nt and the death rate.

In China, the double guarantee ensures that the people are the masters of their country and their fundamenta­l interests are well expressed and protected. People’s democracy is not only a guarantee of people’s properties, but also a series of institutio­ns. They range from consultati­ve democracy in each and every level of China’s social and political life, to the world’s most extensive use of opinion surveys on public policies, to soliciting public opinion directly via the Internet on all major policy issues, and to institutio­nalized democratic decision-making in producing five-year plans for the nation and for different localities. Each five-year plan goes through hundreds of rounds of consultati­ons at all levels of the state and society.

In many ways, China’s success is due to the quality of its decision-making process and efficiency of policy execution, which make the Chinese state far more responsive to the needs of the people than the Western model, as shown clearly in China’s resolute fight against COVID-19. The Chinese model has ensured that most Chinese are beneficiar­ies of China’s dramatic rise, and the country has witnessed the fastest improvemen­t in people’s living standards in human history. CA

 ??  ?? Young people visit the memorial hall for the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China in Shanghai on May 4
Young people visit the memorial hall for the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China in Shanghai on May 4
 ??  ?? Zhang Weiwei The author is director of the China Institute at Fudan University in Shanghai
Zhang Weiwei The author is director of the China Institute at Fudan University in Shanghai

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