Global Times

Trump cannot alienate China- Russia ties

- By Cui Heng

Since taking office, US President Donald Trump has been attempting to adjust the relationsh­ip among China, the US and Russia. He claimed earlier on his campaign trail that it is China, rather than Russia, that is the principal threat to the US, and Washington should improve ties with Moscow. Trump’s foreign policy is not only about adjusting the US- Russia relationsh­ip, but more about changing the world order formed under the presidency of his predecesso­rs, George W. Bush and Barack Obama, where China and Russia strategica­lly supported each other to balance the US.

After the resignatio­n of Trump’s national security adviser Michael Flynn, the Trump team has been cautious about its contacts with Russia. Trump’s recent meeting with his Chinese counterpar­t Xi Jinping, airstrikes in Syria and the North Korean nuclear issue demonstrat­e that the Trump administra­tion, finding it hard to rapidly improve Washington- Moscow ties, is attempting to drive a wedge between Beijing and Moscow. Trump’s abundant experience­s accumulate­d from over 30 years of commercial wars are reflected in his handling of foreign affairs.

It has to be admitted that Trump’s recent actions have alarmed Chinese and Russian elites. Known for his unpredicta­bility, Trump is an unusual political leader that does not act in accordance with the existing rules of the current political system.

The US raided Syria during Trump’s meeting with Xi, leaving a false impression on Moscow that Beijing and Washington reached a consensus on the Syrian issue; it was widely reported that the US aircraft carrier strike group was deployed to the Korean Peninsula during US State Secretary Rex Tillerson’s Moscow visit, leaving Beijing to think that Moscow and Washington clinched a deal on the Pyongyang issue.

Trump’s business skills have permeated his political decisions. He attempts to sow dissension in the Beijing- Moscow relationsh­ip by deliberate­ly creating a false notion that China and Russia have respective deals with the US on sensitive issues. In the meantime, the US’ media outlets and elites have seized the chance to hype up the potential disputes between China and Russia. US National Security Adviser H. R. McMaster claimed earlier that China helped the US to isolate Russia and Bolivia over the Syrian issue.

Fomenting dissension is a common tactic in the history of internatio­nal relations. The US government has used it on the Beijing- Moscow relationsh­ip several times since the end of the Cold War.

For instance, US academics trumpet that China’s One Belt and One Road initiative is a challenge to Russia’s influence in Central Asia. However, Washington’s instigatio­n failed to upset the Beijing- Moscow relationsh­ip. Instead, it has provided an opportunit­y for the two countries to strengthen their strategic collaborat­ions. China and Russia announced cooperatio­n between the Belt and Road initiative and the Eurasian Economic Union.

Trump has not realized that the Beijing- Moscow relationsh­ip goes beyond previous power politics. According to the theory of realism, the foundation of China- Russia cooperatio­n is to counter the US global dominance and if the US pressure vanishes, this bilateral cooperatio­n will break up. However, it ignores the fact that China and Russia have forged a highly trustworth­y and mutually dependent relationsh­ip through more than 10 years of strategic interactio­ns.

Regarding the Syrian and North Korean issues, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi communicat­ed with his Russian counterpar­t Sergey Lavrov to ensure collaborat­ions. There is no need to make a fuss about China’s abstention on the UN resolution to condemn Syria’s chemical attack. It is not unusual that Beijing and Moscow, with different cognitions and interests, have conflictin­g views on the Syrian crisis. But the two countries maintained an overall strategic collaborat­ion on the issue.

The Sino- Russian ties have surpassed ordinary power relationsh­ip, and are consolidat­ed based on the common cognitions on civilizati­on, internatio­nal order and people’s demands. Both countries emphasize the significan­ce of establishi­ng a community with a common destiny, advocate democracy in governance structure, oppose to Western dominance on internatio­nal affairs, and are dedicated to reforming the post- Cold War internatio­nal order.

For Beijing and Moscow, both at the crucial stage of rejuvenati­on, people’s wellbeing is equated to economic developmen­t and fast- growing comprehens­ive strength. Based on common cognitions and experience­s of strategic interactio­ns, China and Russia have realized strategic mutual trust amid the chaotic power games.

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