Global Times

Li Rui’s life reflects diversity of opinion

- By Shan Renping The author is a commentato­r with the Global Times. opinion@ globaltime­s.com.cn

Li Rui, former deputy head of the Organizati­on Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, died in Beijing on Saturday. His death grabbed the headlines in many Western media outlets. A report by The New York Times called Li “standard-bearer for liberal values in China.” But how to evaluate him divided online public opinion in China.

Li lived for 101 years. His long life span contribute­d to his influence.

Li’s life was a bumpy ride. He experience­d almost all historic events such as the Yan’an Rectificat­ion campaign, and himself became the subject of several political movements.

Li was imprisoned once in Yan’an before the founding of the People’s Republic of China. In the 20 years after 1959, he was either held in confinemen­t or in labor camps. The experience­s were even quite unfortunat­e in that historical context.

Li’s career peaked when he was appointed the deputy head of the Organizati­on Department of the CPC Central Committee after the reform and opening-up. His title as the secretary of Chairman Mao Zedong remains controvers­ial.

In general, his positions had not offered him opportunit­ies to exercise an enormous impact on China. His influence was limited until he retired.

It was after his retirement that Li’s influence reached the pinnacle. Since the end of the 1980s, he had made his voice heard constantly and had been labeled the “CPC veteran cadre + CPC critic.”

As a representa­tive figure among veteran outspoken officials, he was hailed among Chinese liberals and Western public opinion. Among his propositio­ns, the most famous was opposing the constructi­on of the Three Gorges Dam.

Looking back on Li’s life, the prime of his life was embedded in the wave of the Chinese Revolution and the country’s early developmen­t; he suffered a lot during that period of time.

In his later years, he participat­ed in the creation of a special type of “veteran cadre + critic.” Stronger opinion was not at all unusual in those years, but the label of a retired official helped increase the gravity of Li’s voice and consolidat­ed his stance.

Li’s later years were a success from another perspectiv­e as well. He had been enjoying a generous pension and lavish benefits after retirement until he died in Beijing Hospital.

While benefiting from the privileges the state provided, he was also supported by China’s domestic anti-establishm­ent forces and some Western powers. He was one of China’s least lonely old men and veteran cadres.

It should be noted that Li in his later years became a symbol of the diversific­ation of Chinese society. Considerin­g the meaning of this symbol, different conclusion­s can be drawn.

Supporters may hold that he had added a voice and more importantl­y a “scarce voice,” while opponents would argue that he had become a tool for hostile and unfriendly forces to attack the Chinese system.

Li’s later years demonstrat­ed a special way of boycotting China’s mainstream path. Such a role played by him may reflect various value judgments.

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