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India’s foreign policy has become increasingly proactive and forward-looking since Prime Minister Narendra Modi took office. The distinctive Modi Doctrine, a strategy in the new context of India’s rise as a major power, is rooted in India’s traditional culture and statecraft with a strong flavor of pragmatism. Pursuing an “India first” mantra, the Modi Doctrine fully capitalizes India’s geopolitical advantages to support the country’s emergence. The past three years have seen the Modi government making much progress in the diplomatic field, but challenges both old and new remain. While the current China-india relations have maintained stable on the whole with upward developments, complicating factors are apparently on the rise. To fulfill their respective aspirations of national rejuvenation, the two countries should continue to take a positive view of each other’s development, further expand areas of cooperation, and properly manage differences and competition.
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As a macro regional strategic vision proposed by Russia, the Greater Eurasian Partnership is conceptually a modification of both Europeanism and “Turn to the East”, but it is not merely a broader version of Eurasianism. While the core of Eurasianism is the relationship between Russia and former Soviet republics, the relations between the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union and the rest of regional countries stand essential to the Greater Eurasian Partnership. Besides generally defined economic interests, the Eurasian region is of critical significance to China in terms of anti-terrorism, security, energy, production capacity and infrastructure building. China should promote Greater Eurasian cooperation with Russia, and at the same time it should proactively enrich and develop the concept with more Chinese elements.
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The new changes in global economic governance have not only brought opportunities for China’s participation, but have also increased its risks and challenges. The opportunities are mainly due to diversification of the global governance concept, new developments of global rules and increasing influence of emerging countries. At the same time, the growing impeding forces, the limited role of supporting platforms, and the rise of uncertainties have increased the institutional constraints on China’s participation in global economic governance. In order to participate more effectively in global economic governance and enhance the influence of Chinese governance concept of wide consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits, China should, in cooperation with other developing countries, give priority to global institutional building, agenda setting and economic security protection in key countries and regions.
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China’s people-to-people diplomacy has entered a new era with its rise as a global major power. Originating from the people’s diplomacy, people-to-people diplomacy has transcended it in modern times. While coexisting with public diplomacy, peopleto- people diplomacy has some unique characteristics, and is thus susceptible to over-generalization or distortion. The current Chinese people-to-people diplomacy features a non-governmental nature, openness, essentiality, flexibility, and distinctive theoretical connotations, but is also confronted with such external challenges as narrow nationalism, populism, extremism and terrorism. In order to achieve the best results through this channel of diplomacy, it is vitally necessary for Chinese to know and understand the mentalities of people around the world, strengthen communication with people of diverse backgrounds, in particular the middle class in different countries, and explore new patterns and mechanisms of interaction between the government and the society.