Hong Kong caught between East vs West narratives
Christine Loh says China’s stance on Covid-19 and Ukraine magnifies the city’s dilemma
The age of anxiety troubles us because the world as we know it is fracturing before our eyes. There is no quick and easy fix, unfortunately.
The explosion of Covid-19 cases in Hong Kong affects everyone personally. Few would have thought in early 2020 that the pandemic would go into a third year.
Before Omicron, Hong Kong thought itself safe with its low Covid-19 infection rate and deaths but this has changed with the arrival of the highly transmissible variant. Cases are only expected to peak several weeks from now and the decline will take time, as it has done elsewhere.
Hong Kong is in for a tough period. On top of having to cope with the virus and all the inconvenience, there are competing narratives over whether the authorities are doing the right thing, rocking people’s trust in how the government is containing the outbreak. One element of the competing narratives has to do with the difference between experiences on the mainland and elsewhere, particularly in the West.
China has evolved a “zero-Covid” policy where, once cases emerge, massive resources are directed to quell the outbreak. The mainland method needs about two weeks to successfully contain new outbreaks. The competing narrative in the Western media is that the Chinese method is draconian, although it cannot be said that it doesn’t work.
The Beijing Winter Olympics was a demonstration of the method, which requires a massive mobilisation of resources and manpower. This method is being rolled out in Hong Kong when the infection rate is already high. It remains to be seen how things need to be organised locally and how the mainland method can be adapted for Hong Kong.
Understandably, there are widespread mutterings of discontent. People feel their government has failed them and they have lost control of their lives.
The level of fear and distrust is high. Many have no idea whether the mainland’s intervention will be helpful.
Unhappiness is compounded by reports of foreigners leaving because restrictions make it hard to travel in and out of Hong Kong.
Such reports make people feel edgy because they worry that Hong Kong might not be a good regional base for international business any more.
Another unsettling feeling comes from the departure of tens of thousands of Hongkongers for Britain under a new visa scheme because they were concerned for their individual liberty.
Hong Kong’s plight is part of a larger geopolitical contest over hearts and minds everywhere. Western democracies are painted as representing desirable systems, whereas China is described in autocratic and unsavoury terms.
Worse, the Ukrainian crisis is making markets nervous and will affect not only the global economy but also deepen the division of the world into “democratic” and “autocratic” camps.
As with its Covid-19 strategy, where China developed its own method to deal with outbreaks, Beijing’s foreign policy evolved from the idea of non-alignment, which is different from the experience of Western powers.
The idea arose in the 1950s among developing countries seeking to avoid the confrontation brewing between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. The key principles are respect for the sovereignty of each country and support for each other’s development. Based on this, China’s foreign affairs principles evolved to include five tenets: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity; mutual non-aggression; non-interference in each other’s internal affairs; equality and mutual benefit in relationships with other countries; and, peaceful coexistence.
Beijing’s response to the Ukraine crisis falls within these long-standing principles. China is clear that the situation is not what it wants to see. It has called for restraint. It respects the sovereignty of Ukraine.
However, it believes the security of one country should not come at the expense of the security of another, and it has called for direct dialogue and negotiations between all relevant sides and supports the United Nations playing a role to cool rather than ratchet up tensions.
The Western media has generally been critical of China’s refusal to condemn outright Russia, the aggressor, as Western countries impose sanctions. China is not alone in its position, though it is convenient to lump it with Russia, as both are seen as autocratic.
For Hong Kong, the many competing narratives create emotional dissonance. As a British colony up until 1997, Hong Kong’s public sentiments were generally in accord with Western accounts. After reunification, the special administrative region had a lot to learn about many aspects of the mainland, including its foreign policy.
As US-China relations deteriorated and China became the bogeyman in Western narratives, Hong Kong has not been spared – that is a source of our collective anxiety.
For the people of Hong Kong, it is hard to reconcile how sentiments have changed over the past five years. It feels like a swift descent into ignominy. Only through our efforts to understand our predicament as part of China can Hong Kong make the right choices for its future.
Western democracies are painted as representing desirable systems, whereas China is described in autocratic and unsavoury terms