South China Morning Post

Paris’ balancing role

Wang Huiyao says Macron’s return as French president bodes well for both the EU and China

- Wang Huiyao is the founder of the Centre for China and Globalisat­ion, a Beijing-based non-government­al think tank

On Sunday, Emmanuel Macron beat Marine Le Pen to become the first French president since Charles de Gaulle to win re-election while holding a majority in parliament. Macron’s victory confirms his place as the leading voice in the European Union after Angela Merkel’s retirement as German chancellor in December.

In his second term, the French president will play a pivotal role in shaping foreign policy at a critical juncture for the European Union. Ukraine will no doubt dominate the agenda for some time, but how the EU recalibrat­es ties with Beijing and navigates the tense and complex US-China relationsh­ip remains a crucial question.

Macron’s re-election is positive for the outlook on China-EU relations. Like many European politician­s, his views on China have hardened in recent times. Fundamenta­lly, though, he appears to share Merkel’s pragmatic, pro-business stance and wants the EU to work more closely with China on shared interests.

The outcome is preferable to a Le Pen victory. That would have cast doubt over France’s role in Europe and the whole EU project at a time when the bloc needs a strong leader.

However, Macron will have his work cut out for him when it comes to improving relations with Beijing. Bilateral ties are at a low ebb, as seen in the recent EU-China summit, which failed to produce a joint statement or any specific agreement.

At the same time, European views of security and foreign policy are undergoing a sea change. For 16 years, Merkel was Europe’s leading proponent of stronger ties with China. Following her departure and the war in Ukraine, Europe’s political landscape has shifted dramatical­ly. Many of Merkel’s views on foreign policy have been repudiated, and the coalition government of her successor Olaf Scholz seems determined to pursue a harder line on China.

Across Europe, there is a growing tendency to see the world in opposing camps, pitting democracie­s against autocracie­s. The widely held view that Beijing has not done enough to oppose Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has further soured perception­s of China, which were already trending down. In 2020, unfavourab­le views of China in France had increased to 70 per cent from 42 per cent in 2002.

Since taking power, Macron has been vocal about his ambitions for the EU, which has long punched below its weight in the internatio­nal sphere, to become a more independen­t and influentia­l geopolitic­al player. Ukraine is a serious test for his push for EU “strategic autonomy” as it has turned concerns to security at home and reinvigora­ted the transatlan­tic alliance.

In this age of geopolitic­al uncertaint­y, the need for the EU to come into its own as an independen­t force for peace and internatio­nal cooperatio­n is greater than ever.

Addressing the European Parliament on January 19, Macron spoke repeatedly of the need for the EU to be a “balancing power”. He has cautioned the EU against rushing to join the United States in ganging up on China as it could lead to the “highest possible” conflict.

Macron is well aware of what can happen if great power relations are not managed well and antagonism is allowed to grow unchecked. In his second term, he should take concrete steps for the EU to fulfil its balancing role in the world. For example, he could encourage the formation of a China-EU-US trilateral mechanism in which the EU plays a mediating role.

Macron should also stand up against hawkish voices in Europe and continue to promote a multifacet­ed EU policy towards China that allows cooperatio­n on shared interests despite contention or competitio­n in other areas.

Climate change is one promising area. Both sides are committed to tackling climate change through multilater­al efforts. At the practical level, there is also much to be gained from combining the EU’s experience and holistic approaches to environmen­tal protection with China’s strengths as a supplier of low-carbon solutions.

Reforming multilater­alism is another shared interest. In the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine, we badly need to update and strengthen our global institutio­ns. For example, China and the EU could boost efforts to forge consensus on reforming the World Trade Organizati­on and develop a workable plan to revive the organisati­on.

Last but not least, Macron should work to deepen economic cooperatio­n with China, particular­ly in areas such as infrastruc­ture.

Despite the stalling of the China-EU Comprehens­ive Agreement on Investment, bilateral economic ties have gone from strength to strength. Last year, China’s trade with the EU rose by 27.5 per cent year on year to record highs. China remains the EU’s largest trading partner.

Despite some reservatio­ns in Europe, there are great potential synergies between the Belt and Road Initiative and the EU’s new connectivi­ty strategy, the Global Gateway.

France was the first country to establish a third-party intergover­nmental cooperatio­n mechanism with China, under which Chinese and French firms jointly develop projects in third countries taking part in the Belt and Road Initiative.

In Macron’s last meeting with President Xi Jinping in February, the two countries unveiled seven new major joint projects in the fourth round of this scheme with a total value of more than US$1.7 billion.

Macron’s second term begins at a time when security is increasing­ly winning out over economics as the driving logic of internatio­nal cooperatio­n. But as the history of the EU shows, economic cooperatio­n is often the best foundation for both growth and security.

During the next five years, Macron should use his mandate to help chart an independen­t, pragmatic course for the EU that fulfils its potential to be a stabilisin­g force for peace and prosperity during these times of uncertaint­y.

Macron will have his work cut out for him when it comes to improving relations with Beijing

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